The Phaedo of Plato

By Richard Dacre Archer-Hind





  Preface. So many editions of the Phaedo are already in existence that the appearance of a fresh one would seem to require a word of explanation. The object of the present edition is to assist those who are beginning in earnest the study of Plato’s philosophy, and who have advanced far enough to appreciate the peculiar difficulty of his writings. Accordingly my chief aim has been to elucidate the philosophical contents of the dialogue, to indicate as clearly as I was able the consecution of its thought, and to determine its position in the Platonic system. It has therefore been no part of my purpose to enter minutely into points of language for their own sake. But since it is utterly impossible to follow Plato’s thought without a thorough mastery of his language, I have not abstained from dealing with such points, so far as seemed necessary for the right understanding of Plato’s meaning, or where I thought that they had been insufficiently treated by previous editors. |vi| Among existing editions I am most indebted to the notes of those admirable scholars Wyttenbach and Heindorf. And since I have frequently had occasion to express dissent from the views of Prof. Geddes, I am anxious to take this opportunity of acknowledging the advantage I have derived from his scholarly and lucid commentary.
  Finally and above all my thanks are due to my friend Mr. Henry Jackson, to whose untiring kindness I owe far more than I can possibly acknowledge: the references to him in the notes very imperfectly indicate how fully he carries out the principle κοινὰ τὰ τῶν φίλων.

  Trinity College, Cambridge
  3 November 1883


Preface to the Second Edition

  This edition is substantially the same as the first, but contains some few additions and corrections. In making the latter I have again to thank Dr. Jackson for valuable assistance. Only one important change in interpretation has been introduced, which will be found in Appendix II.
  The text still closely follows Schanz. I have made no change of reading on the authority of the papyrus fragment recently discovered. Such changes would of course only be justified on the ground either that the papyrus is a higher authority than the other manuscripts, or that it gives readings which are intrinsically superior to those of the received text. That the first alternative has been proved, few, I think, will care to maintain. As to the second, it is matter of opinion; for my part even the few variants which are approved as almost certain by so distinguished a Platonic scholar as Prof. Lewis Campbell (Classical Review v 364.) fail to carry conviction to me. Accordingly, so far as the papyrus is concerned, I have thought it best to leave the text in peace.
  The chief novelty in this edition is the contribution of the publishers and printers. It is, as I understand, the first book in which Messrs. Macmillan have used their new Greek type. One glance is enough to show how bold a step they have made in the direction of a long-desired reform. It may be indeed that not all scholars will bestow upon the new fount the unstinted approval with which it is welcomed by Dr. Rutherford in the Classical Review: but none, I conceive, will fail to acknowledge that Messrs. Macmillan, in thus lifting our Greek typography out of the rut in which it has lain so long imbedded, have earned the cordial thanks of all who think that a printed page ought to aim at being a work of art.

  12 May 1894


Introduction and Analysis of Plato’s Phaedo

  § 1. Scope of the dialogue. A careful student of the Platonic dialogues can hardly fail to notice a certain peculiarity in their structure: he will observe that for the most part we find not one but several motives underlying the whole composition and artistically interwoven; so that if we put the question, what was Plato’s object in writing any one dialogue, the answer can rarely be a simple one. These several motives are indeed formally subordinated to one definite end—for a Platonic λόγος is always ζῷον συνεστός—but this end is not always, nor indeed often, the most important result of the dialogue or that which Plato had most at heart in its composition. A very good and simple illustration of this is supplied by the Sophist. The declared object of that dialogue is to define the sophist (218b); and this object, amid all the intricacies of the argument, is held steadfastly in view until its final accomplishment, when the sophist is tracked down, captured, and bound hand and foot in the humorously labyrinthine paragraph which closes the Eleate’s discourse. But as a means of obtaining this definition Plato employs his method of διαίρεσις {diaíresis, “division”}; and the extreme elaboration with which this process is worked out, together with the high value which we know Plato set upon it, leaves no doubt that the exposition and illustration of this dialectical method is one of the motives of the dialogue. Thirdly, a point suddenly turns up, quite by accident, as it were, and without the slightest premeditation (236d): the sophist, on the point of being convicted as a dealer in shams, takes shelter in the old puzzle about μὴ ὄν: which puzzle must be solved before the definition can be accomplished. Now it will be observed that the material and formal importance of these three motives are in reverse order. The definition of the sophist, the formal object of the dialogue, is simply a piece of pungent satire; but the method by which this object is attained is a matter of high interest and significance. By far the most momentous issue, however, is that which turns upon μὴ ὄν: the searching criticism of ὄν and μὴ ὄν, as conceived in various philosophies; the masterly |2| analysis of the five γένη, which clears up the problem of predication; the solution of the hitherto hopeless enigma concerning false judgments; all this constitutes one of the most memorable achievements of the human intellect: a science of logic is now first founded, and philosophy is placed upon a new basis. Yet in form this all-important metaphysical inquiry is merely an accidental difficulty involved in the definition of the sophist, which need not have arisen, had not the sophist turned out to be a sham. We see then how Plato proposes to himself an end mainly for the sake of the means: we may be sure that he cared little about defining the sophist, but very much about the metaphysical questions to which the process of definition was to give rise. Now this indirect way of going about his work is a peculiarity of Plato’s which must be steadily kept in mind if we are to have any hope of understanding him at all. Also we must remember that Plato is before all things a metaphysician: ethics, politics, logic, physics are to him so many forms of applied metaphysics; and if we would rightly follow the current of his thought, it is from a metaphysical source that we must seek to trace it.
  Bearing this in mind, let us see what is the result of a similar analysis applied to the structure of the Phaedo. Most persons who should be asked to describe this work would probably reply that it was a treatise in which Plato endeavours to prove that soul is immortal; and this is no doubt a correct account of one motive of the dialogue. But the demonstration of immortality is neither the express purpose nor the most important philosophical result; it holds a position more nearly corresponding to that of διαίρεσις in the Sophist. As to the main subject of the dialogue Plato leaves us in no uncertainty, Sokrates makes two statements, which appear to Kebes to be mutually conflicting: (1) in this life we are under the protection of good and wise gods, (2) the philosopher will be glad to quit this life. Simmias adds that it seems a little unkind of Sokrates to be pleased at leaving his friends. Sokrates admits that it is only fair that he should clear himself on both these charges. Then, after an interruption on the part of Kriton, which is clearly designed to mark that the serious business of the dialogue is now about to begin, Sokrates proceeds in the following words: ‘Now I desire to render an account to you my judges and to show that it is reasonable for a man who has passed his life in the true love of wisdom to be of good cheer on the threshold of death and to be hopeful of enjoying the greatest blessings, when he is dead, in the other world. How this may be the case, Simmias and Kebes, I shall try to tell you’ (63e). Thus we see that the leading motive is |3| to show that the wise and virtuous man will meet death with cheerfulness, on the ground that his lot will be happy in the world of the departed. And, as in the Sophist, Plato never once loses sight of this motive from beginning to end of the work.
  Now let us observe how the other subjects are connected with this. The line of defence adopted by Sokrates is as follows: The philosopher is not concerned with the gratification of bodily appetites nor with the pomps and luxuries of this world; the pleasures of the intellect alone are precious in his sight, and to the pursuit of knowledge and wisdom his whole life is devoted. Such being the case, the body which is his soul’s constant companion not only brings him no advantage but is a positive hindrance and annoyance, impeding by its importunate affections the free action of the soul in her search for the truth. Accordingly he accustoms his soul to be as independent of the body as is possible, to withdraw from communion with it, and to act by herself—by processes of pure thought without aid of the senses. But this deliverance of the soul, her purification from all corporeal taint, can never be perfectly accomplished during this earthly life; consequently in this life the perfect fruition of intelligence can never be attained. There is but one thing which separates soul from body altogether; and this is death: death extricates the soul from her corporeal entanglement and sets her free to exert her unfettered powers upon the highest objects of cognition. Death then is the realisation of the philosopher’s dream; it is the fulfillment of that intellectual enfranchisement which by a lifelong struggle he has but in some scanty measure attained: how then can he fail to be of good cheer when the hour arrives of his release from the close confines of his bodily prison into the wide pure air of free intellectual life?
  Very well, replies Kebes, but you are assuming that the soul continues to exist as a conscious and intelligent being after her separation from the body. How do we know that she is not extinguished at the moment of dissolution? Before we can accept your defence it is absolutely necessary that you should satisfy us on this point. Sokrates freely admits the justice of this criticism and says he will do his best to fill up the lacuna in his theory.
  We see then that immortality is a distinctly secondary issue, subordinate to the principal theme of the dialogue. The particular mode in which Sokrates has chosen to defend his main proposition demands a demonstration of the soul’s immortality as a necessary condition, and that is all; so far as regards the purposes of this dialogue Plato is concerned to prove the soul immortal only in order to prove that the |4| true philosopher will not fear death. It is to be noticed that as soon as ever the demonstration is, or seems to be, accomplished, Sokrates at once proceeds to enlarge on its ethical bearings in relation to the main proposition, 81a following, 107c following.
  Having thus determined two motives, let us see whether an inspection of the pleadings for immortality will disclose any more. Sokrates begins with two arguments which are to be regarded as two halves of one proof. The first is based upon a law of alternation or reciprocity in nature: given two opposite states, all things which have come to be in either state have passed into it from the opposite state; thus what is now better has become so from being worse; and between every such pair of opposites we have transition in either direction, between hotter and colder, greater and less, sleeping and waking, etc. Now the opposite to living is dead: between these two we daily see the process in one direction, from life to death, the other we do not see. But though we see it not, it must exist. For since living souls are continually being born into the world, and since they cannot come out of nothing, clearly they must come from the souls which have quitted this life. These then must exist after their departure from the body; for if they ceased to be, they could not come again into being. Therefore our souls exist after death. The second argument rests upon reminiscence. All sensible objects remind us of certain ideal types, whereof they are likenesses: they are but adumbrations of these types, faintly reflecting them but incapable of representing them with perfect accuracy. We compare these objects with their types and judge that they fall short of them; whence it is evident that at some time we must have had apprehension of the types. Now we cannot possibly have gained this knowledge since our birth; we must then have possessed it before we were born. Therefore our souls possessed intelligent existence before birth. Putting these two arguments together, we find that our souls existed as intelligent beings before we were born and will continue so to exist after we are dead.
  Seeing that his young friends are still doubtful whether the conditions for the operation of this law of reciprocity are necessarily satisfied in the case of soul, Sokrates pushes forward to new ground. He urges that if a thing is to be decomposed, it must first have been composed; that which has no parts therefore cannot be subject to dissolution. This is the fundamental distinction between the objects of sense and the objects of intelligence; the former are composite and perpetually suffering resolution into their constituent parts; the latter are simple and therefore indissoluble. Ideas are changeless and eternal, particulars |5| are ever-changing and transitory. To which of these natures is soul more akin? clearly to the simple and changeless ideas, which are her proper object of cognition, and which she apprehends by virtue of her likeness to them. Moreover she is mistress over the body, being in her divine simplicity far more powerful. Yet even the body is under certain conditions very durable; how much more lasting then shall the soul not be?
  Before proceeding let us pause to mark the stress laid on the affinity of the soul to the ideas, for this will presently play an important part.
  We may pass over the objection of Simmias with its refutation as being immaterial to the main argument, and proceed at once to the criticism of Kebes on the foregoing theory. It amounts to this: the above reasoning only makes it probable that soul is much more durable than body and may last a very long time; it does not show that she is actually imperishable nor that she has in her own essence an inalienable principle of vitality. This takes us to the very heart of the matter; Sokrates must trace the causes of generation and destruction down to their very roots.
  I do not mean in this place to give any analysis of the marvelously subtle reasoning which serves for the final demonstration, but only to call attention to its fundamental principles. After pointing out the inadequacy of all previous and contemporary theories of causation, Sokrates declares the Ideas to be the sole causes of all things and the sole objects of knowledge. The truth of the Ideas is eternally sure, and whatever inference can be certainly drawn from the ideal theory is verily true. Now everything in nature is what it is by virtue of the immanence of some idea informing it: and so intimate is the connexion of particular with idea, that the former can never give admission to an idea incongruous with the latter. Accordingly if we take any pair of opposite and mutually exclusive ideas, a particular informed by such opposite, or by any idea involving such opposite, can never receive the other opposite: we cannot have cold fire or even three. But soul—vital principle—is soul by virtue of the idea of life inherent therefore she can never admit the opposite to life, which is death; else we should have dead soul, which is no less impossible and irrational than even three. Soul therefore has in her inmost essence a source of life that can never fail her.
  A very moderate familiarity with Plato’s ways of working will now enable us to see where we are to look for the very heart of the dialogue. The assertion of the Ideas as the causes of existence and the objects of cognition; the affirmation that they constitute the ultimate reality |6| upon which all sound reasoning must be based—this is the most significant metaphysical result of the Phaedo, and this beyond doubt was Plato’s dearest purpose in composing it. And yet, so far as form goes, this is only subsidiary to the establishment of a doctrine which has turned out to be necessary to the maintenance of the primary proposition. We saw however in the Sophist that the chief formal motive is by no means necessarily Plato’s principal end; and again we have to seek the chief end in what is technically but a means.
  Such being the three strands intertwined in the thread of which the fabric of the Phaedo is woven, let us examine their relations a little more narrowly.
  The question of immortality is interesting and important just so far as it is connected with the cognition of the ideas. True knowledge, says Plato, is concerned with the ideas alone, because they are simple, changeless, and abiding: concerning the complex, changeful, and fleeting objects of sense there can be nothing better than opinion. Soul alone, acting by processes of pure thought, can apprehend the ideas, because of her likeness to them: she too is simple and self-identical; and like is known by like. But during her association with the body she never has free play for her own activity: the body with its passions and appetites, its pleasures and pains, its maladies and weaknesses, is ever hampering and hindering the movements of the soul to such a degree that even the wisest of mankind can only in part rise superior to these influences. Consequently the joy of pure and untroubled contemplation can never be tasted by the soul while her union with the body continues; only by release from its harassing companionship can she hope for the full fruition of knowledge. So if her existence is terminated at the dissolution of soul and body, she never can attain true knowledge at all: immortality then is an inevitable condition of the free cognition of the ideas. For this immortality she is justified in hoping by the very affinity to the ideas which enables her to apprehend them; nay she is assured of it by the indwelling idea of life itself which informs her very essence. Thus are immortality and knowledge mutually interdependent. Schleiermacher, who has some excellent remarks on this subject, sums up as follows: ’so ist denn die Ewigkeit der Seele die Bedingung der Möglichkeit alles wahren Erkennens für den Menschen, und wiederum die Wirklichkeit des Erkennens ist der Grund, aus welchem am sichersten und leichtesten die Ewigkeit der Seele eingesehen wird.’ In the words of Simmias, εἰς καλόν γε καταφεύγει ὁ λόγος εἰς τὸ ὁμοίως εἶναι τήν τε ψυχὴν ἡμῶν πρὶν γενέσθαι ἡμᾶς καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἣν σὺ νῦν λέγεις {there is nothing so clear to me as this, that all such things, the beautiful, the good, and all the others of which you were speaking just now, have a most real existence. 76e-77a}. |7|
  Such then is the value of immortality, as promising us an existence under conditions more favourable to intellectual activity. I think however Plato intends to turn it to another not unimportant, though minor, use. In the true Platonic system of ethics immortality plays no part, Plato’s morality is founded in the very depths of his ontology; for the principle of good and the principle of being are one and the same. It matters nothing whether we live or die: that alone is good which is like the idea of good. But to deduce ethical science from the αὐτὸ ἀγαθὸν {the good itself} calls for a most consummate philosopher: for the great mass of mankind it is simply out of the question. So then, since they cannot frame a moral code for themselves because they do not know the idea of the good, the best they can do is to accept one from the philosopher who does know it, as Plato insists in the Republic. But the philosopher must hold out some inducement for the people to receive his teaching; and this inducement may be derived from immortality. Sokrates himself says if the soul is immortal, she needs our care not only during the period to which we give the name of life, but for all time; and now it is that we see how grave is the danger of neglecting her. The philosopher will persuade the people to follow his precepts by showing that a life of intelligent virtue is the forerunner of free intellectual enjoyment in the invisible world, but a life of vice can only lead after death to helpless cravings for bodily pleasures which are out of reach. So by deducing immortality from the ideal theory, Plato uses that theory to provide a working code of morals for those who are incapable of rising to the only true and rational virtue.
  But while we affirm that the chief result of the Phaedo is the establishment of the ideas as the true principles of causation and objects of knowledge, in place of the superficial physical laws and incogitable phenomena which did duty for causes and realities with the Ionian philosophers; and while we recognise that the proof of immortality derives its sole value from its bearing on the cognition of the ideas, we must not leave out of sight the original proposition, that the wise man will cheerfully meet death. This, though overshadowed by the superior interest of the metaphysical issues to which it gives rise, is yet far from unimportant in Plato’s sight; and this is what gives artistic unity to the dialogue. As a framework in which to set his vindication of the dignity of the ideas Plato could have chosen nothing better than a description of the cheerful fortitude displayed by a man whose life has been devoted to intellectual research. The lesson which Sokrates inculcates by his precepts and arguments he enforces still more vividly by his living example. From his first pleasant moralising on his own fetter-cramped |8| limbs to the last half-conscious injunction to fulfill a pious duty, he shows us the very ideal of that character at which he would have us aim. Never was the Platonic Sokrates more genial and gentle, more ready and subtle in argument, more patient of opposition and skillful in encountering it, never more rich in poetry and imagination, than on that last day of his life. It seems as if Plato had determined to use all the resources at his command in bringing home to us the lesson that in philosophy lies the sovereign charm against the terror of death: he appeals to the intellect by the subtlety of his arguments, to the imagination by his fanciful and beautiful myth, and to the emotions by that death-scene which stands alone in all literature. It is in this way that we may recognise the connexion of the myth and the last scene with the main body of the dialogue. The myth is no mere poetical embellishment, nor does the death-scene share only the unity which belongs to the various stages of one coherent narrative. Both are linked by a deeper unity to the remainder of the work, being by different methods subservient to the same purpose. We see then in the Phaedo an affirmation of the ideas as causative and intelligible existences, from which, through the inference of immortality, the ethical deduction is drawn that the philosopher, secure of his well-being in the region of the departed, will meet death with calmness and confidence; and the impression thus conveyed is rendered more vivid by a description of the earth and the underworld and an account of the adventures of the disembodied soul; and finally it is yet more earnestly enforced by a picture of philosophic fortitude taken from actual history. All these elements, argumentative, imaginative, and narrative, are harmonised by Plato in one consummate work of art and jointly directed to one common end.

  § 2. The relation of the several arguments for immortality. How the several arguments are mutually related, and how many proofs of immortality are contained in the Phaedo, is a question on which most diverse opinions have been entertained: on one estimate all the proofs are reduced to one, while another reckons as many as seven. I do not propose to criticise these various enumerations, which have been ably treated by Bonitz in his admirable ‘Platonische Studien’: I shall simply examine the relation of the several arguments, and then from the results thus obtained consider whether they are to be regarded as constituting one or more demonstrations. With |9| the views of Bonitz in the main I thoroughly agree; but I think it is possible to give a somewhat preciser statement than he has done.
  First then as concerning the argument of ἀνταπόδοσις {correspondence} 70c-72e. This seeks to deduce the soul’s immortality from a universal law of nature, or rather from two laws. The first is γένεσις ἐξ ἐναντίων {origin from opposition}, which is simply an application of a principle with which we are already familiar in preplatonic philosophy, e.g. the ο͑δὸς ἄνω καὶ κάτω {the road up and the road down is one and the same} of Herakleitos. A γένεσις is a process between opposite states; whatever we see at one pole, as the result of a γένεσις, has passed over from the other pole. The two poles with which our argument is concerned are ζῶν {alive, living} and τεθνηκός {dead, dying}: ζῶν we define as a state of union between soul and body, τεθνηκός as a state of separation. We know that the soul passes to the state τεθνηκός from the state ζῶν, and we deduce from the law of alternations that she passes to the state ζῶν from the state τεθνηκός. Therefore the soul must have existence in the state τεθνηκός, in virtue of our second law, which is that the sum of all things is constant; in Aristotle’s words οὐδὲν γίγνεται ἐκμὴ ὄντος πᾶν δ΄ἐξ ὄντος. This principle, which the physicists, as Aristotle goes on to observe, agreed in affirming of matter, is here affirmed of thought by Plato, for whom matter is but a phase of thought. It is this which is the most important element in the present argument, and to which we shall hereafter have occasion to recur. The result we obtain then is that our soul in passing from ζῶν to τεθνηκός is not annihilated in the process, but retains her existence in the state τεθνηκός: in popular language ἔστιν ἐν Αἵδου {is in Hades}.
  The argument from ἀνάμνησις {reminiscence} 72e-77a, in supplementing the former, introduces us to the ideal theory. By an ingenious process of reasoning Plato shows that our soul must have had cognition of the ideas, and that this cognition must have been attained before our present life: our soul then must have been in existence before she was incarcerated in human form and born into this life. The result then is the antenatal existence of the soul.
  But, it might be asked, what more do we gain by this argument of ἀνάμνησις? For though the only result which Plato expressly draws from ἀνταπόδοσις {recompense} is that the soul exists after death, it would also be a perfectly fair inference that she existed before birth: for the soul that became ζῶν at a human birth must previously have been τεθνηκός, that is, existent in a state of separation; else we should have γένεσις ἐκ μὴ ὄντος. This is true; but ἀνάμνησις makes two important contributions: (1) what we have to prove is ὡς ἔστι τε ἡ ψυχὴ ἐν Ἅιδου καὶ δύναμιν καὶ |10| φρόνησιν ἔχει: of this only the first half can be deduced from ἀνταπόδοσις {recompense}, the latter is supplied by ἀνάμνησις {memory}, which shows that the soul had cognition of the ideas: ἀνταπόδοσις {recompense} shows that τεθνηκός {death} is a mode of existence, ἀνάμνησις {reminiscence} that it is a state of intelligence: (2) ἀνάμνησις {memory} attaches the demonstration of immortality to the theory of ideas, upon which it is finally to be based. Thus we see that the two arguments are mutually complementary.
  In fact there is no more surprising feature in the literature to which the Phaedo has given occasion than the fact that many scholars, not only in the face of Plato’s explicit declaration (77c), but in the face of plain reason, have accounted these two arguments as two distinct proofs. For if we allow that ἀνταπόδοσις furnishes a proof ὡς ἔστιν ἡ ψυχὴ ἐν Αἵδου, and ἀνάμνησις a proof ὡς δύναμιν καὶ φρόνησιν ἔχει, it is self-evident that the two must be combined in order to constitute a proof ὡς ἔστι τε ἡ ψυχὴ ἐν Αἵδου καὶ δύναμιν καὶ φρόνησιν ἔχει. We derive from ἀνταπόδοσις evidence that the soul exists in the same state (τεθνηκός, death) before birth and after death; from ἀνάμνησις we have evidence that this is a conscious and intelligent state.
  So then, whatever number of proofs we may finally decide to exist in the Phaedo, it is clear that the two foregoing arguments do not amount to more than one. But even before any objections have been urged, Sokrates proposes to offer further evidence, as though what he has already brought forward were inadequate. Let us see then in what particulars the demonstration seems to be incomplete, in order that we may know what we should expect to be supplied in the sequel.
  A severer scrutiny will detect a weakness in each member of the proof. In the first the soul’s continued existence is a simple deduction from a natural law, which is assumed to work with invariable uniformity. But we must recollect that the operation of any cause depends upon the conditions under which it acts: by the same law lead falls earthward and vapour streams upward; and it is conceivable that somewhere in the universe there might exist a set of conditions under which the same law might produce exactly the opposite results. Now if in addition to our knowledge of the law we had a perfect and exhaustive acquaintance with the conditions under which it acts in every conceivable instance, we might be certain of its operation in all cases. But as a matter of fact we have not and never can have such an acquaintance with the conditions. An astronomer, from the data before him, calculates that a planet ought to revolve in an orbit of |11| a certain shape in a certain time: observation, however, shows that the facts do not correspond to the calculation. Then comes another astronomer with a larger telescope and discovers that the irregularity is due to the proximity of another body which was invisible to his predecessor. And if his discovery exhausts the number of influences at work on the planet, he will be able to calculate its orbit with accuracy, but not otherwise. Similarly although the law of alternation may afford a strong presumption that our souls return from the dead, this does not amount to certainty, since we cannot tell that our knowledge of the conditions is complete. The very fact that in this case we are unable to perceive one of the twin processes, which elsewhere are both visible, is enough to awaken our suspicion: we do not know the conditions to which soul is subject after our dissolution, and they may be such as to nullify our calculations. We cannot then be satisfied with simply inferring this immortality of the soul from the uniformity of nature, we must prove that imperishability is a necessary and inseparable attribute of her being. 1

1 That such is the defect of the argument is indicated by Plato himself at 77d-e in the words μὴ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὁ ἄνεμος αὐτὴν ἐκβαίνουσαν ἐκ τοῦ σώματος διαφυσᾷ καὶ διασκεδάννυσιν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὅταν τύχῃ τις μὴ ἐν νηνεμίᾳ ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μεγάλῳ τινὶ πνεύματι ἀποθνῄσκων. That is to say, our law may be perfectly sound, but there may yet be disturbing forces, on which we have not calculated, which interfere with its operation: the accident of a tempest at the time of the soul’s egress may produce conditions which render the law null and void in the case of that particular soul.

  Such I conceive to be the cause of the dissatisfaction felt with the argument from ἀνταπόδοσις. I have dwelt upon it at some length, because, though by no means obvious, it has hitherto, I believe, failed of being noticed. I now pass on to ἀνάμνησις.
  We have already seen that ἀνάμνησις does not by itself prove the imperishability of the soul; and now since ἀνταπόδοσις has proved insufficient to accomplish this satisfactorily, the original defect remains unsupplied. We may have enjoyed apprehension of the ideas before our birth, but it does not follow that we shall exist to apprehend them again after our death. But the point to which I would draw attention is that we have so far failed to make the proper use of the soul’s cognition of the ideas: the only conclusion we have drawn is that the soul must have existed to apprehend them; this is far short of the inference which on Platonic principles is not only justified but peremptorily required. What this is, we shall presently see.
  |12|We now perceive what we are to look for in the ensuing argument: (1) the establishment of the soul’s immortality upon a necessity of her own nature and no mere external cause, (2) the deduction of the required inference from her cognition of the ideas.
  In the argument extending from 78b to 80d we have the universe divided into the visible and invisible worlds: the former includes all sensible objects, which are composite, and therefore subject to dissolution and change; the latter contains the ideas, which are incomposite, and therefore changeless and indissoluble. Now the body is visible, and obviously belongs to the class of things which surfer change and dissolution; the soul, being invisible, should naturally seem to belong to the world of real existences, incomposite and indissoluble. This belief is confirmed if we consider the soul’s attitude in regard to the sensible and intelligible worlds respectively. When dealing with sensible objects she is filled with bewilderment and strays giddily through the ever-fleeting stream of inconstant phantasms, where she can find no rest for the sole of her foot: but when she turns to the ideal world she feels herself at home; the ideas she can contemplate in serene repose, seeing that she herself is akin to them; and she then shares the constancy of the objects of her meditations. Additional confirmation is supplied by the observation that soul commands and body obeys; the former is the function of the divine, the latter of the mortal; therefore we infer that the soul most resembles this divine, deathless, simple, indissoluble, changeless, self-identical essence. Furthermore we know that parts of the body, inferior as it is, or the whole body when embalmed, may last for a practically unlimited time; a fortiori then the soul must be still more abiding.
  With reference to this argument it is to be observed (1) that it is professedly a sequel to the preceding, ὅθεν δὲ ἀπελίπομεν ἐπανέλθωμεν 78a-b: (2) that the requisite inference from cognition of the ideas is now expressed in the words I have italicised: (3) that the proof now rests upon the essential nature of the soul. Like knows like: therefore since the soul knows the ideas, she must be like the ideas. But the attributes of the ideas are simplicity, unchangeableness, and imperishability; the soul then must resemble them in these attributes. We are no longer dependent upon an external law, with whose workings we are imperfectly acquainted, to establish the soul’s immortality; for we are able to class her with an order of substances to whose essence belongs eternity; and this we are enabled to do by realising that the soul’s antenatal cognition of the ideas involves not merely her existence before our birth, but her likeness and affinity to the ideas themselves. Thus by |13| following to its logical conclusion the train of thought suggested by ἀνάμνησις, Plato has raised the theory of immortality from the dim and doubtful twilight of physical speculation to the clear sunshine of metaphysical certainty. This present argument is in fact intended both as a correction and a development of the previous reasoning. We no longer put our trust in the physical law of γένεσις ἐξ ἐναντίων, which, although it may be perfectly sound and may afford a strong presumption of the soul’s immortality, yet is incapable of offering us the assurance we require; and we have legitimately deduced from ἀνάμνησις a result which may serve as a secure ontological basis for our proposition.
  But now we are suddenly brought to a stand. The whole edifice which we have been at such pains to erect collapses in a moment before the criticism of Kebes: we have been building it upon sand. There can be no mistake about this: the objection raised by Kebes is utterly destructive of the theory in its present form. Let us put it to the test.
  Surveying the demonstration which has last been summarised, we see at the first glance that it is purely tentative and approximate; it does not even pretend to be more than an argument from probability.
  In the first place the eternal objects of intelligence are invisible, while the perishable objects of sense are visible; the soul is invisible, and therefore we have assumed that she belongs to the rank of intelligible and eternal existences. But this assumption is unwarrantable. All that is eternal is invisible; but it does not follow that all which is invisible is eternal. We may say that the soul’s invisibility affords a certain presumption in favour of her eternity, but nothing more. Secondly, the soul apprehends the ideas, therefore she is like the ideas. True; but we are not justified in concluding that this likeness necessarily includes the attribute of eternity: she may, for aught we know, be sufficiently like the ideas to apprehend them and yet not possess all their properties. Thirdly, the plea that she is like the divine because she rules over the body is still less satisfactory: she may possess many divine qualities without sharing the divine attribute of eternity. Fourthly, when we argue that, since body may last a very long time and since soul is far more potent and permanent than body, soul must last a yet longer time, the conclusion is most inadequate of all. In fact the argument, considered as a proof, breaks down at every point: the most that can be obtained from it is in fact the very inference that Plato draws: προσήκει, ψυχῇ δὲ αὖ τὸ παράπαν ἀδιαλύτῳ εἶναι ἢ ἐγγύς τι τούτου {natural for the body to meet with speedy dissolution and for the soul, on the contrary, to be entirely indissoluble, or nearly so}. But this is very different from the certainty we were seeking. Moreover |14| since, as we saw, this argument corrected, summed up, and developed the previous reasoning, retaining all that was cogent in it and confirming it by fresh evidence, it follows that in losing this we lose all: our whole case utterly collapses. As Kebes justly says, we have shown that the soul must have existed before her present incarnation; we have made out a case of strong probability that she is very durable and may survive many incarnations and dissolutions; but we are no whit the nearer to proving that she is imperishable: we are in fact just where we were. The whole demonstration must be begun over again ὥσπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς.
  Is then all the discussion up to this point utterly fruitless? Most assuredly not. The case stands, as I conceive, thus. The objection of Kebes divides the debate on immortality into two distinct portions, the former of which is purely preparatory to the latter. It would have been impossible to proceed at once to the actual demonstration, which on Platonic principles is conclusive, without clearing the way and preparing the ground for it by these preliminary investigations. In them we gradually feel our way to the right standpoint from which to attack the question. Starting from the notion of immortality as a consequence of a natural law, we soon make an advance so far as to connect it with the cognition of the idea—ἀνάμνησις {memory} gives us the germ of the principle which ultimately grows to reasoned certainty; and this nascent conception assumes form and substance in the psychological argument that immediately follows: thus, though we fail to gain the assurance of eternity which we seek, we now see pretty well in what direction to look for it. We do not flee all empty-handed from the ruins of our fallen theory; we carry with us two priceless possessions, first the principle that the sum of existence is constant, next the consciousness that the proof of the soul’s immortality must stand or fall with the existence of the ideas. Still what I desire specially to emphasise is that not one of the arguments in the first half of the dialogue is a proof of immortality, and not one of them is intended by Plato to be so. Plato never wastes his words. Had he believed that any of these arguments in the first part demonstrated the soul’s immortality, he would have stopped there; the addition of the final argument shews that the former were not conclusive. On the other hand Plato would not have introduced the preliminary arguments, had they not been necessary: they do not indeed directly demonstrate immortality, but they enable us to rise to that standpoint from which the demonstration is possible: they are a necessary propaedeutic for the proof which is based directly on the theory of ideas. The long interval which intervenes |15| between the arguments I have been discussing and the ultimate proof serves to mark very clearly that they are to be taken by themselves as forming one division, while the final demonstration itself constitutes the other. Plato generally gives some tolerably plain external mark of his divisions: take, for instance, the criticism of Protagoras in the Theaetetus. The earlier objections urged against that philosopher’s dogma are highly inconclusive, not to say frivolous so much so, that Protagoras is at last provoked to put up his head from the shades below and to expostulate with Sokrates for condescending to such a method of controversy. After this the debate assumes quite a different character: the arguments put forward are all of a solid and substantial nature. Now there can in my judgment be no doubt that in that part of the criticism which precedes the remonstrance of Protagoras Plato is expressing merely popular objections, which might be urged, and perhaps had been urged, against the μέτρον ἄνθρωπος from the standpoint of ordinary common sense: these he was unwilling to leave unnoticed, although he was conscious that they did not really invalidate the theory of Protagoras. But in the subsequent portion he is arguing from his own point of view and defining what he considers to be the limitations of the doctrine: while, to mark the distinction, he adopts the artistic device of bidding Protagoras emerge from the shades in order to make his own defence. The case of the Phaedo is not an exact parallel: for in the earlier part Plato is not bringing forward arguments which are not his own; the reasoning is sound so far as it goes; and though it does not amount to proof of immortality, it materially expedites the discovery of such a proof. But there is a similar reason for marking off the arguments into two separate divisions; and Plato has taken pains to make a broad and conspicuous line of demarcation. 2

2 The extent of this interlude and its varied character will be at once made obvious by a brief summary of its contents. After five chapters of ethical comment, 81b-84b, we have a narrative passage, describing how, amid the reverent silence that fell on the company when Sokrates had ceased, Simmias and upon Sokrates; after which follows the Kebes were heard conversing apart. Interrogated by Sokrates they confess that they are not satisfied, but do not like to press their objections in his present situation. Sokrates replies with his famous simile of the swans, and exhorts them to speak out boldly, 84c-85d. Then Simmias states his objection, and Kebes follows with his, 85e-88b. After this a short conversation between Echekrates and Phaedo is introduced, and the latter, resuming his narrative, describes the effect of these objections on the audience and philosopher’s warning against μισολογία, 88c-9c. The refutation of Simmias occupies three chapters more, 91c-95a; next Sokrates restates the objection of Kebes, and not till 95e does he begin the critique of physical speculation which is preliminary to the final demonstration starting from 99e. In all this intermediate portion includes fifteen chapters, forming nearly one-fourth of the dialogue.

  |16|It remains to say a few words concerning the final proof. This depends directly upon the existence of the ideas as ἀρχαί, or principles of causation. Physical causes explain nothing: at best they are facts, not reasons. For a real cause we must pierce through the phantasmagoria of matter to that invisible essence, of which the sensible universe is the outward expression: we must look for the explanation of each thing in its idea. The whole existence of a particular thing is derived from the inherence of its idea; and so long as the thing exists it can never be severed from its idea, nor admit anything inconsistent with that idea: should it admit such an inconsistent idea, it ceases to be that which it is. Now in most cases this may occur: snow may melt, fire may be quenched; for their indwelling ideas do not involve indestructibility. But with soul this cannot be: informed by the idea of life she can only perish by admitting death; but this would be to admit the opposite of her inherent idea, which is impossible: her extinction would involve a direct contradiction in terms, namely dead vital principle. 3

3 A detailed analysis of this demonstration is reserved for the commentary upon the passage in question.

  This demonstration, which is worked out with a completeness, clearness, and subtlety peculiarly Plato’s own, is on Platonic principles perfectly incontrovertible: given the eternal ideas as causes of existence, the eternity of soul is an inevitable inference. But though complete in itself it utilises some of the materials of former arguments: the principle that the eternity of soul is inseparably bound up with the existence of the eternal ideas has been the chief feature of ἀνάμνησις and the psychological argument: in this last proof it is precisely formulated, handled in a new manner, and pushed to its logical conclusion. Secondly, the whole argument has for its ultimate premiss the constancy of the sum total of existence: σχολῇ γὰρ ἄν τι ἄλλο φθορὰν μὴ δέχοιτο, εἴ γε τὸ ἀθάνατον ἀίδιον ὂν φθορὰν δέξεται {106d nothing would escape destruction, if the immortal, which is everlasting, is perishable}. And this we saw to be the fundamental proposition laid down in the argument of ἀνάμνησις. Moreover ἀνάμνησις is still valid to prove the existence of the ideas and the soul’s intelligent activity apart from the body.
  I conceive then that there are in the Phaedo three arguments, culminating in a single proof: but that a continuous connexion can be traced through all. The first, consisting of two portions, bases immortality partly on a natural law, partly on the soul’s connexion with the ideas: the second, being a development of the first, drops the natural law and lays |17| stress solely on the connexion with the ideas, but does not attempt to do more than make out a case of probability: the last takes up the same principle and treats it so as to evolve not a mere probability but a positive demonstration, which ultimately rests upon the law of conservation of energy as laid down in the first argument. So the dialogue proceeds like an advancing tide, each successive wave sweeping higher than the preceding. We must not regard any of the arguments as put forward and then discarded for a stronger; rather the argument is first offered in a tentative form, afterwards developed and corrected, and finally remoulded and brought to its consummation.
  In conclusion I must briefly advert to two views which are in my opinion gravely erroneous and misleading. Steinhart treats the ethical passages, founded on the doctrine of immortality, as intended to furnish additional proof of that doctrine. The direct proofs, according to him, are in themselves inadequate, and require a surer foundation in ethics. This is a vicious circle so obvious that criticism is superfluous: we are establishing the soul’s immortality in order to justify certain ethical principles, and then we employ these very principles as evidence for the theory whence they are deduced. Moreover this view involves a radical misconception of the purpose and structure of the dialogue.
  The second opinion against which I feel bound to protest is that the refutation of the objection raised by Simmias constitutes an argument for immortality. This is propounded by Ueberweg, with whom I am sorry to find Prof. Geddes agreeing, Surely nothing can be more untenable than such a proposition. Simmias suggests that all the facts established by Sokrates concerning soul—viz. that she is invisible, in corporeal, divine, etc.—are compatible with the theory that she is a harmony. Now if soul is a harmony, it is clear that she cannot be immortal: therefore it is absolutely necessary that Sokrates should show that this theory is inconsistent with the conclusions on which they are already agreed. But in disproving this proposition Sokrates does not prove the soul’s immortality, nor is he one inch the nearer to proving it. If I wished to ascertain that a certain crystal was not soluble in water, I should gain very little by a chemical analysis which assured me simply that the substance was not saltpetre: and similarly it is no evidence for soul’s immortality that she is not identical with one particular thing of which immortality can never be predicated. Even could we make an exhaustive list of all things known to be mortal, and could we prove that soul was not identical with any one of these, we should still not have established her immortality: she might yet be an additional kind of mortal existence, different from the rest. It is therefore illogical to |18| regard the refutation of the harmonic theory as in any sense an argument for immortality. The proposition of Simmias is one which has some prima facie plausibility, and which would be absolutely fatal to the notion of immortality: its confutation is therefore imperative, but contributes nothing, even incidentally, to the main argument: this is in precisely the same position after the overthrow of Simmias as it was before his objection was propounded. The whole episode of harmony, though necessary, is in fact parenthetical. The criticism of Kebes, on the other hand, touches the most vital issue and tends directly to the reconstruction of the argument in that shape wherein alone, as I have tried to show, Plato regards it as a complete and final demonstration that soul is immortal.

  § 3. Plato’s attitude regarding immortality. (1) The form in which Plato upholds the soul’s immortality next demands our attention: it is of all the most scientific and most philosophical: it is that for which there is the most to be said, and against it the least. His theory predicates eternity of universal soul, and of particular souls metempsychosis {reincarnation}. ‘The Metempsychosis,’ says Hume, ‘is the only system of this kind that Philosophy can hearken to’: 4 and so too thought Plato, who does not deem any other theory worthy of consideration. Universal spirit neither has been nor shall be, but is eternally: particular souls have been without a beginning and shall be forever. In the infinite lapse of their existence they have passed, it may be, through manifold and diverse incarnations, rising and falling now to higher now to lower spheres of intelligence: but the substance, the conscious personality, is unchanged and unimpaired by all these mutations; and though the shock of each successive embodiment destroys more or less the recollection of what has passed, still each life is haunted by memories of a former existence, ready to be awakened by the sights and sounds that fill our present consciousness. 5

4 Hume, Essay on the immortality of the Soul.

5 In treating of this view which I have termed metempsychosis, it is to be observed that the actual transmigration is only an accident of it. All that is essential is the limitless duration of the soul’s existence: her perpetual reimbodiment in various forms is not necessarily involved. If an individual soul can find some permanent and final mode of existence, the theory would be satisfied as well as by a succession of incarnations. And in fact both in the Phaedo and in the Phaedrus Plato seems to hold out the hope that a soul that has successfully passed all her probationary trials will attain to a permanent state of the highest intellectual fruition possible for a finite existence.

  |19|Thus Plato will have no one-sided immortality: the everlasting life of our soul extends backwards into the infinite past as well as forwards into the endless future. It is just herein that the strength of his position lies: thus he escapes the inextricable perplexities which beset the defenders of other views of immortality. The creational theory perhaps never presented itself to his mind; certainly, if it did, he dismissed it as unworthy to be seriously entertained: it is in fact repugnant to the first principles of his argument. On this view the soul of every being that is newly born into the world is a fresh creation out of nothing; and as all souls previously created exist forever, the aggregate number of souls is forever multiplying; that is to say, the quantity of spirit in the universe is continually and ceaselessly on the increase. This is of course directly opposed to the great principles that the sum of force is constant and that generation out of nothing is impossible, which form the groundwork of Plato’s arguments for immortality. Once allow that a soul has a beginning, and we lose our only guarantee that it shall not have an end: nay it must have an end, for only that which is without beginning is without end; only the uncreate is imperishable. It is in fact impossible to bring forward any sound arguments for the future existence of the soul which do not also involve its previous existence, its everlasting duration. The creational theory is matter of dogmatic assertion, not of philosophical discussion.
  Not only on metaphysical grounds has Plato’s conception so great an advantage; but from the standpoint of practical ethics its superiority is equally decided. The fundamental law of Platonic morals is δράσαντι παθεῖν {just retribution}. There is indeed no such thing as vengeance in his scheme, but there is an immutable and inexorable sequence of cause and effect. No impunity exists for vice: every act of indulgence is another bar in the soul’s prison-house; it drags her from the pure intellectual sphere which is rightfully hers down to the gross and pestilent atmosphere of sensual delight. From this doom none may escape; the consequences of every action are as inevitable as the laws of the universe. If a man sin, he shall pay for his sin in spiritual degradation; repentance avails nothing, reformation alone can slowly recover the lost position. Now within the span of a single life we know that a man often suffers in his latter days for the vices of his youth: how infinitely wider then is the application of this principle, if we regard that single life as but one out of an endless series. As Plato himself says, we have to consider the effects of our actions not only for this life but for all time: our present state is conditioned by causes stretching we know not how far back into the remotest past, and what we do now will influence |20| our destiny throughout unknown cycles to come. The indestructibility of force comes terribly home to us here. Now it will be observed that in this reference metempsychosis supplies the Platonist with a ready explanation of the apparent injustice which prevails in the ordering of things—an answer to the question, if the gods are good and care for the affairs of men, why is virtue so often afflicted and vice triumphant? An advocate of the creational theory is forced to reply that the balance will be rectified in another life: suffering virtue will be rewarded, and the insolence of vice will be brought low. But such an answer is idle. No future recompense can undo injustice that has once been done: wrong may be redressed but never cancelled—τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐν δίκᾳ τε καὶ παρὰ δίκαν ἀποίητον οὐδ΄ ἂν χρόνος ὁ πάντων πατὴρ δύναιτο θέμεν ἔργωνbτέλπς. To the Platonist however the solution is easy. No injustice has to be atoned, for none exists. The conditions obtaining at any given time are the inevitable, and therefore perfectly just, result of an infinite series of causes: we must look for the antecedents not in this life only, but in a limitless cycle of prior existences; and what might be unjust relatively to a man’s conduct in his present life may be the irresistible effect of his action in some bygone period. It is true that the answer is not complete without reference to ontological and physical principles, which however cannot here be entered upon.
  Thus the theory of metempsychosis supplies not only an explanation of this inequality in human affairs but also a most powerful incentive to virtuous action. A man shall be what his deeds and thoughts make him: if he degrade himself by vice, his restoration must be effected, not by some deathbed repentance or compulsory purgation, but by his own laborious endeavour, by living according to the best of his lights in the inferior state to which he has fallen. For Plato never leaves him without hope. The fanciful description of the soul’s migrations at the close of the Timaeus (92a) represents a definite ethical doctrine. The soul that has swerved from the course of pure intellectual virtue may inhabit forms of bird or beast, or even fish and mollusc, when it is defiled with all manner of iniquity and therefore in place of inhaling the fine and clear element of air is condemned to the turbid and gross respiration of water. Yet even in this most degraded state there is a chance of retrievement: for these vicissitudes are determined νοῦ καὶ ἀνοίας ἀποβολῇ καὶ κτήσει. A life well spent according to the conditions of even the lowest rank may enable the soul to rise a step in the next incarnation; and the recovery of the whole intellectual inheritance is always possible. The hopeless reprobation of the incurable criminals described in the myth of the Phaedo belongs simply to the pictorial presentation: |21| we find it only when Plato is pressing popular legend into his service; not when he is presenting his own views undisguised by this veil of tradition. I have said that a permanent mode of existence for the soul is not excluded by the Platonic theory. But such permanent mode is only possible when the soul has attained the highest perfection of which she is capable: good may be stable, but evil never.
  Among theories then which maintain the personal immortality of particular souls it would seem that Plato’s is metaphysically the most defensible and ethically the most fruitful; and while it attaches the heaviest penalties to immorality, it offers the strongest encouragement to any endeavour after improvement. It is not of course contended that this view is exempt from objections and difficulties; merely that these apply with greater force to any other method of defending individual immortality.
  (ii) But how far do Plato’s arguments tend to prove the immortality of particular souls, as distinct from the eternity of the universal soul? It must, I think, be replied that they go but a very short way indeed. If we examine the several demonstrations, we shall find that what they amount to is that vital principle is indestructible, not that its manifestation in this or that personality is permanent. The result of the argument from ἀνταπόδοσις {recompense} is that, if all things are not to be brought to nought, the sum of vital essence can suffer no abatement; but it offers no shadow of proof that this constant amount of vitality will continue to be distributed into the same conscious personalities: we know by experience that separate conscious personalities continue to be produced in the world, and therefore we conclude that the vital force which constitutes them cannot perish at the dissolution of soul and body; but we have no right to conclude that these personalities retain their individual consciousness after death. Indeed from this argument we cannot infer that vital force will always continue to exist in the form of particular intelligences: that belongs to another aspect of Plato’s metaphysics. Proceeding to ἀνάμνησις {soul memory}, although on a bare literal interpretation Plato’s language may imply that the soul existed individually before birth, yet this is not at all involved in the principle of the theory: the particular soul retains the knowledge of truths which are the possession of soul at large, not necessarily of this soul in a former personal existence. A similar examination of the remaining arguments of the Phaedo will show that individual immortality is not fairly deducible from any of them. The same applies to the brief but pregnant demonstration in Phaedrus 245c following. There the case for the eternity of soul is stated with unequalled force and clearness; but it applies to the universal soul alone, and nothing can be |22| deduced from it regarding the permanence of particular souls. The strikingly subtle argument beginning Republic 608e contains a remarkable expression (611a), ἐννοεῖς ὅτι ἀεὶ ἂν εἶεν αἱ οὐταί, sc. αἱ ψυχαί. This seems at first sight like an assertion of the continued existence of the same personalities. A closer examination however shows that this is not the case. Plato simply means that if the whole vital force of the universe is distributed into a certain number of souls, no addition to this number is possible, else the sum total of vitality would be increased, which is inadmissible. We cannot draw from that argument the conclusion that this universal vitality must needs be forever manifested in a given number of souls; and even if it must, that would not necessarily involve continuity of personality. The whole strength of Plato’s reasoning is expended in demonstrating the eternity of soul as such: there is nothing to prove that particular souls on their departure from the body are not reabsorbed in the universal spirit, merging their proper consciousness in that common force of nature which is ever manifesting itself anew in the forms of individual life.
  (iii) Such being the case, it is not irrelevant to raise the question, did Plato really and literally maintain the personal immortality of particular souls? This certainly would seem to be the teaching of the Phaedo, and this is the view of the vast majority of Platonic students: but the contrary opinion is supported by the great authority of Hegel and has recently been defended with much ingenuity by Teichmüller; it is not therefore to be dismissed without ceremony. I will discuss the statements of the two critics separately.
  First however I must point out a difficulty under which an editor of the Phaedo labours in approaching this question: it does not belong to the treatment of the Phaedo at all, but to that of the Timaeus; and we can hope to attain a satisfactory solution only after a minute investigation of the profound and difficult metaphysics of the latter dialogue. Such an investigation is obviously out of place here, since ὁ λόγος πάρεργος ὢν πλέον ἂν ἕργον ὧν ἕνεκα λέγεται παράσχοι. At the same time it does not seem desirable to leave the subject altogether unnoticed, and I shall therefore treat it as briefly as I am able.
  In his statement of the Platonic philosophy Hegel expressly assigns the permanence of particular souls to the region of the mythical. We think of the soul, he says, 6 as a physical thing possessing divers attributes, one of which is thinking—thinking determined as a thing that can pass away and cease.

6 Hegel’s Werke, vol. xiv p. 207 following.

But with Plato the immortality of the soul is |23| inseparably bound up with the fact that the soul is that which thinks—thought is not a mere attribute of it. We are addicted to thinking of the soul as if it were a thing that could exist without imagination or thought. To Plato, on the other hand, the significance of immortality consists in this, that thought {mind} is not an attribute of the soul but its substance—soul is just thought. Thought is the substance of soul as gravity is the substance, not an attribute, of body. Take away gravity, and body is no more; take away thought and soul is no more. Thought is the activity of the universal, which reflects itself into itself and is identified with itself: this self-identity is the unalterable and abiding. Alteration is when one thing becomes another and does not hold fast by itself in the other. Soul on the other hand consists in the retaining itself in the other—in the process of apprehension the soul has to do with external matter, which is other, and yet it retains its self-identity. Immortality has not for Plato the interest it has for us in a religious aspect; it depends upon the nature of thought and its inner freedom. With reference to the Phaedo Hegel observes that we have hardly any line of demarcation between the outward representation and the inward idea, but this is far from sinking to the crudity of conception (Rohheit), that represents the soul as a thing, and inquires about its duration and existence, as concerning a thing.
  Now it appears to me that the foregoing criticism amounts to something like this. Hegel, analysing the conception of immortality, seizes at once upon that which he regards as essential to the Platonic philosophy: this kernel he instantly drags to light, rejecting the husk of ‘Vorstellung.’ Whether an individual consciousness shall continue to exist as such is to Platonism of no metaphysical importance whatever: what is of importance is to grasp the true nature of eternity. The soul’s real immortality lies in the operation of thought: eternity is in the nature of thought and has nothing to do with duration. Such, I conceive, is Hegel’s point. Now that the duration of the individual is of no metaphysical importance I am willing to admit: Plato’s philosophy in no way involves it. I do not however see that it is thereby excluded; provided the really essential point is maintained, it seems to me that the question of individual duration is an open one for Plato; whether a particular consciousness continues for one life, or for a score, or for an unlimited time, does not appear to affect the question.
  Teichmüller however goes further, and declares that Plato could not maintain individual immortality without grave inconsistency; from which premiss he most justly draws the conclusion that Plato did |24| not maintain it. 7 For I cordially agree with him that any interpretation of Plato which attributes inconsistency to him stands self-condemned. It may be very well for writers of Cicero’s philosophical calibre to talk of Plato as ‘inconstans’; but when modern historians of philosophy impute to this greatest of philosophers self-contradictions of which the merest novice would be ashamed, one cannot but suspect them of seeking to lighten their own labours at Plato’s expense: it is easier to accuse him of inconsistency than to work out his meaning. 8

7 The works of Teichmüller which I have consulted on this subject are ‘die platonische Frage’ and ‘Studien zur Geschichte der Begriffe.’

8 As I shall presently have occasion to remark, Plato’s dialogues indubitably show a development in his system. But this development involves no inconsistency, even though the expression of some thoughts needs modification: rather it brings to light the hidden connexion between ideas hitherto unharmonised.

  Teichmüller’s criticism seems to resolve itself mainly into two points: (1) Plato’s reasoning applies only to universal, not to particular soul, (2) the admission of individual immortality makes Plato’s philosophy into a system of monadism, not monism. The first point has been already conceded; but it is no proof that Plato did not believe in the permanence of individual souls. The second objection, if sustained, I should regard as fatal, holding as I do that Platonism is essentially a monistic system. But I doubt whether it has been proved. The contention is that, if particular souls are eternal, we have as the ontological basis of the system not one universal thought, but a number of distinct and independent substances or forces, resembling the monads of Leibnitz. But in the first place it must be remarked that eternity is not claimed for particular souls: the individual, qua individual, cannot possibly be eternal: all that is claimed is the indefinite prolongation of their existence in both directions; but no extent of prolongation is one step nearer eternity. 9 Severance from what we term our body can make no difference; if a particular soul continues her separate existence at all, the conditions of her limitation oblige her to remain in the sphere of γένεσις: did she pass to the νοητὸν she would necessarily be merged in the universal. 10

9 Plato most explicitly recognises this, Timaeus 37e-38a ταῦτα δὲ πάντα μέρη χρόνου, καὶ τό τ’ ἦν τό τ’ ἔσται χρόνου γεγονότα εἴδη, ἃ δὴ φέροντες λανθάνομεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀίδιον οὐσίαν οὐκ ὀρθῶς. λέγομεν γὰρ δὴ ὡς ἦν ἔστιν τε καὶ ἔσται, τῇ δὲ τὸ ἔστιν μόνον κατὰ τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον προσήκει. And again 38c, τὸ μὲν γὰρ δὴ παράδειγμα πάντα αἰῶνά ἐστιν ὄν, ὁ δ’ αὖ διὰ τέλους τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον γεγονώς τε καὶ ὢν καὶ ἐσόμενος. {even as “Was” and “Shall be” are generated forms of Time, although we apply them wrongly, without noticing, to Eternal Being. For we say that it “is” or “was” or “will be,” whereas, in truth of speech, “is” alone is the appropriate term;})

10 Teichmüller’s objection seems directed against the existence of a plurality of souls in the intelligible world: cf. die platonische Frage p. 23 ‘Vielheit aber in das intelligible Gebiet zu versetzen, heisst Atomismus, nicht Platonismus. Very true; but the individual soul, as such, whether its continuance be perpetual or not, does not belong to the intelligibles Gebiet’ at all.

|25| Finite intelligences are for Plato simply manifestations of the universal νοῦς: they are not self-existent monads, but evolved from the universal, a mode of whose existence they are. Now if, as we may gather from the Timaeus, the universal νοῦς has this mode of existence in perpetuity, can it matter to Plato’s doctrine whether each finite intelligence preserves the same thread of consciousness throughout, or is merged in the universal on the conclusion of a given term of existence? One view may be more probable than the other, but neither seems to me to involve monadism. If souls are to be monads they must be as individuals eternal and self-existing; prolongation of their existence, even in perpetuity, will not suffice.
  Moreover, although I am convinced as firmly as any one of Plato’s consistency, I hold it for certain that we have represented in the dialogues a regular development of Plato’s thought, whereof the Phaedo does not belong to the latest stage. We cannot therefore bring everything in the Phaedo into severe conformity with the matured pantheism of the Timaeus. In the latter it is probable that personal immortality does more or less recede into the region of the mythical: it enters only in an extremely allegorical guise. But while in the matured Platonism all is coherent and consequent, in the still maturing Platonism of the Phaedo there are to be found views, as we shall see, which Plato afterwards considerably modified: and even were it shown that personal immortality is inadmissible in the Timaeus, it does not follow that it is so in the Phaedo.
  In the interpretation of a writer so much addicted to figurative speech as Plato there must needs be here and there difference of opinion as to where the line is to be drawn between symbolism and substance: and in this case I cannot but think that Teichmüller has drawn the line too high. And I cannot acquiesce in his naive assumption that the mere fact that a doubt exists is decisive in favour of a non-literal interpretation. The onus probandi, I take it, lies with those who do not interpret literally; and in general the proof is not hard to find. We have no hesitation in regarding the creation of the universe by the δημιουργός {demiurgos, a creator, but not The One} as purely mythical, because a literal acceptation would reduce Platonism to a chaos of nonsense: we pass a similar verdict on the endless punishment of criminals in the νέκυιαι of the Phaedo, Republic, and Gorgias, because it is incongruous with the just and benevolent spirit that pervades Plato’s ethics, and because it only appears when Plato is clothing his thoughts in a legendary form. In the |26| present case however I do not think the incongruity is made out. Moreover the direct and circumstantial seriousness with which the doctrine of immortality is put forward is totally unlike any of the mythical or figurative representations of Plato’s thought elsewhere: Hegel himself observes ‘wir treffen hier am wenigsten geschieden die Weise des Vorstellens und des Begriffes’; and certainly if Plato is not here in earnest with individual immortality, he may fairly be charged with having passed from mysticism to mystification.
  I have made this defence of the literal interpretation not because I consider that the continued existence of the individual is of any real importance in the Platonic system—I should not go so far as to affirm that it was retained to the last—but because, in order that we may follow historically the development of Plato’s thought, it is important for us to determine precisely what he means to set forth in each dialogue. And the conclusion which seems to me the soundest is that, although Plato knew very well that neither he nor any one else could demonstrate the immortality of individual souls, yet he was strongly disposed to believe, at least at the time the Phaedo was written, that every soul on its separation from the body will not be reabsorbed in the universal, but will survive as a conscious personality, even as it existed before its present incarnation.

  § 4. Theory of Soul in the Phaedo. 11 Adopting the view defended in the preceding section, we have next to deal with a question arising from a comparison between the psychology of the Phaedo and that of some other Platonic dialogues. Such a comparison will bring to light two points wherein Plato’s teaching is at first sight inconsistent and is regarded by Grote and others as distinctly self-contradictory. The object of the present section is to show that no such inconsistency exists.

11 The substance of this section appeared in a paper printed in the Journal of Philology, vol. x, p. 120, to which I may refer the reader for a more detailed statement.

  In the Phaedo (α) the soul is essentially simple and incomposite; and this simplicity is urged as an argument for her imperishability (compare 80b, with 78c following): (β) ἐρώτες δὲ καὶ ἐπιθυμίαι καὶ φόβοι and the like are referred to the body as their origin, whence arising they intrude upon the soul and trouble her contemplations, (66c). On the other hand (α) in certain passages of the Phaedrus, Republic, and Timaeus |27| the soul is represented not as a simple but as a triple nature, (Phaedrus 246a, Republic 439d, Timaeus 69c): (β) in the Philebus it is expressly declared that all passions have their origin in the soul, body being in itself incapable of giving rise to any sensation; and this position is also consistently maintained in the Timaeus, (Philebus 35c, Timaeus 64b-c). The problems we have to solve then are (i) how can we reconcile the simplicity of soul in the Phaedo with her tripartite nature in the other three dialogues, and how does the argument for immortality affect the three parts severally? (ii) how can we reconcile the assignment of passions to body in the Phaedo with their assignment to soul in the Philebus?
  (i) Of the first problem only two solutions seem possible, (α) that two distinct views were entertained by Plato at different periods, (β) that the tripartition of the soul is purely metaphorical.
  The first alternative cannot be accepted. For reasons which will be discussed hereafter it is impossible to regard the Phaedo as belonging to a different period from the Republic; and there are good grounds for assigning the Phaedrus to the same group. We are bound therefore to expect that these dialogues will agree in all important doctrines.
  Moreover there is a remarkable fact to be noticed. The simplicity of ψυχή, so far from being a theory peculiar to the Phaedo, is one which pervades the whole series of the Platonic dialogues from beginning to end, not even excepting those in which the triform nature appears. This is not only conclusive evidence that we are not dealing with doctrines held at successive periods, but it affords strong presumption that the tripartition of ψυχή is a figurative expression.
  Let us examine the nature of this tripartition. In the myth of the Phaedrus the soul is likened to a car driven by a charioteer and drawn by two winged steeds. Of this pair one is vicious and unruly, the other generous and docile, aiding the charioteer in subduing his refractory companion. This parable is thus explained in the Republic. In every soul there are two εἴδη {eidē, forms} or μέρη {merē, portions}, λογιστικὸν {logistikon, reasoning, rational}, and ἄλογον {álogon, unreasoning, irrational}, the latter being subdivided into θυμοειδὲς {thymoeidḗs, spirited, forceful, willful} and ἐπιθυμητικόν {epithumētikón, appetitive}. So we have the soul distinguished into three parts or kinds, rational, emotional, appetitive. We see however that the main division is dual not triple; the three parts are not coordinate but made out by the subdivision of the ἄλογον {irrational}: this it will be well to bear in mind.
  But if this analysis is to be understood as literally signifying that the soul is composed of three distinct parts, the results are truly bewildering. The entire argument of the Phaedo is not merely demolished root and branch, but is shown utterly unmeaning and irrelevant. For |28| when we dreaded lest the soul on quitting the body should be scattered to the winds and dissolved, we were comforted by the assurance that as she had no parts she could not be divided; simplicity cannot admit dissolution. But now she has three distinct parts, therefore into those parts she can be resolved: and what is to become of them? do they continue to exist separately? or does one of them, or two, or all perish? And what becomes of the soul’s likeness to the ideas, in virtue of which she claimed to apprehend them and to belong to the region of the invisible and eternal? All this is swept away at one stroke. If we answer that it is the λογιστικὸν {rational} alone with which the argument of the Phaedo is concerned, we are shutting our eyes to the fact that there is not a single passage in Plato where the term ψυχή {psȳchē, soul} is applied to the highest εἶδος {form, portion} as distinguished from the two lower: nor have we a right so to apply it here. And if the three εἴδη all are classed as ψυχή it must be in virtue of some common principle: what then is this principle? what is the bond of union, what the differentiation of the three? The fact that we are led into so helpless a maze of perplexity is ample cause for deciding that the literal interpretation is entirely inadmissible.
  But the case is still further strengthened by the statement in the Timaeus. The created gods are described as implanting in a body the human soul, imitating the manner of their own creation by the δημιουργός. The divine element, θεῖον, which they received from the hands of the creator, they placed in the head: this is the λογιστικὸν of the Republic. Then, Plato proceeds to tell us, they fashioned another kind of soul, to which he applies the remarkable term θνητόν {thnētós, mortal}. This is the abode of vehement passions, pleasure and pain, confidence and fear, wrath and hope and love, and all unreasoning sensations. And lest they should sully the divine principle, they placed this mortal soul in another region of the body: and since it was twofold, they divided the two kinds by a partition, setting the spirited portion in the heart, that it might readily hear and obey the commands of the reason; while the appetitive they set in the belly, that it might care for the nourishment of the body. Here the θνητόν εἶδος {mortal form} corresponds to the ἄλογον {unreasoning, irrational} of the Republic and includes the θυμοειδὲς {spirited, forceful, willful} and ἐπιθυμητικόν {appetitive}.

Note: {Archer-Hind's argument in the paragraph above is greatly strengthened when one considers the effect of hormones and neurotransmitters on the body's function; within a second they may be triggered to cascade, disrupting rational thinking and responses.}

  If this too is to be understood literally, confusion is tenfold worse confounded. For to the three parts are assigned different habitations in the body; all three therefore have extension in space: yet we know very well that for Plato ψυχὴ is unextended and immaterial. Again the lower εἴδη are mortal; that is, vital principle can admit destruction: a declaration not only subversive of all the reasoning in the Phaedo, but |29| flatly opposed to the whole of Plato’s convictions concerning soul: nay it extinguishes once for all his hope of discovering a sure basis of knowledge; for if the principle of life and thought can under any conditions cease to be, what is there that shall abide? Θνητόν ψυχὴ {mortal soul}, understood literally, is indeed the most absolute contradiction in terms that his vocabulary could furnish. And, as if to bring out this contradiction in the most glaring light, Plato declares (Phaedrus 245d) πᾶσα ψυχὴ ἀθάνατος, all soul, without reservation, is immortal; and presently we have an elaborate statement of the tripartite nature, that is of a mortal and an immortal soul conjoined.
  All this constitutes not merely justification but positive necessity for treating the tripartition of soul as wholly metaphorical; and the interpretation of the metaphor is simple enough. The three εἴδη of the soul are not different parts or kinds, but only different modes of the soul’s activity under different conditions. The two lower εἴδη are consequent upon the conjunction of soul with matter, 12 and their operation ceases at the separation of soul from matter.

12 This is indubitable. In the myth of the Phaedrus the gods have the three εἴδη {forms}, but the gods are corporeal (246d). That they are so is interesting: it shows how fully Plato recognised that the limitations of individual consciousness preclude a purely immaterial existence. The conditions of individual existence are not necessarily identical with ours; e.g. the gods and superior spirits have σῶμα, but not σῶμα γήινον; but such an existence involves in some sense materiality: the individual belongs to γένεσις.

Soul, as such, is simple, she is pure thought; and her action, which is thinking, is simple. But soul immanent in matter has a complex action; she does not lose, at least in the higher organisms, all the faculty of pure thought; but she has another action consequent on her implication with matter: this action we call perception or sensation. The main division is, as we have seen, dual: λογιστικὸν expressing the action of soul by herself, ἄλογον has action through the body. The πάθη belonging to ἄλογον Plato classifies under the heads of θυμοειδὲς {spirited; forceful, willful} and ἐπιθυμητικόν {appetitive}. We see too that the terms of the Timaeus, θεῖον and θνητόν, are abundantly justified. Soul is altogether imperishable: but when she enters into relation with body she assumes certain functions which are terminable and which cease when the relation comes to an end. Θνητόν {mortality} then is the name given to soul acting under certain material conditions; and soul may in that sense admit the appellation, not because she ever ceases to exist qua soul, but because she ceases to operate qua emotional and appetitive soul. Soul exists in her own essence eternally, in her material relations but for a time.
  |30|Soul then is simple and uniform, the one and only principle of life. All forms of life are manifestations of her, from the highest to the lowest; from the activity of the noblest intellect to the faintest vestiges of vegetable growth. 13 The degree of intelligence varies inversely according to the degree of implication with matter. In the highest forms of individual existence thought has free scope for its activity, and the lower modes of consciousness are in due subordination: but as the material bonds grow tighter, the supremacy of thought wanes, and the dominion of sensation and appetite strengthens; finally reason and thought, even the higher modes of sensation, vanish, and nutrition and growth alone remain. But all these organisms are vitalised by one sole principle of life.

13 See Timaeus 77a following.

  We now have reached a standpoint whence it is easy to solve the difficulties which we encountered at the outset. Once recognise that Plato knew of but one kind of soul, and all is smooth. The essential nature of soul is simple, as much in the Phaedrus, Republic, and Timaeus, as in the Phaedo. Hence it is beside the point to ask which of the three parts is immortal: Plato is seeking to prove that soul herself is eternal, not that certain relations and functions of soul are perpetual. The vital principle which manifests itself in these modes is imperishable, but the modes themselves are temporary and transient.
  (ii) The answer to the second question is to be found with no less ease. The whole argument of the Phaedo, as we have seen, deals with soul qua soul. With this of course bodily appetites have nothing to do: accordingly Plato assigns them to the body, because they only belong to soul in her bodily relation and through this affect her. Nothing would be gained by pursuing the analysis further; rather the course of the discussion would be hampered by the introduction of matter which had no bearing on the question at issue. In the Philebus it is different; there it is Plato’s business to give a psychological analysis of the passions in question: accordingly they are assigned to soul, which is the only seat of consciousness. Each dialogue is justified from its own standpoint: the Phaedo in attributing passions to the body, because they arise from the corporeal relation of soul; the Philebus in giving them to the soul, because body, as such, has no consciousness. There only appears to be a discrepancy, because the analysis of the Phaedo is in the Philebus carried out more thoroughly: these passions belong to body, because without the bodily environment they could not arise; to soul, because it is by soul alone that they can be felt.
  |31|Thus it appears that if we insist upon treating Plato’s allegorical language as plain prose, we are lost in helpless perplexity; while by a reasonable interpretation of the metaphor we are released from all difficulty and show Plato’s teaching to be perfectly consistent and philosophical. There cannot, I think, be much doubt which method to choose. As Hegel observes, ‘wenn er [sc. Plato] von der Seele des Menschen sagt, dass sie einen vernünftigen und unvernünftigen Theil habe: so ist dies ebenso im Allgemeinen zu nehmen: aber Plato behauptet damit nicht, dass die Seele aus zweierlei Substanzen, zweierlei Dingen zusammengesetzt sey.’
  I conclude this section with a brief summary borrowed from the paper to which I have already referred.
  In Timaeus 69c-72d we have a θεῖον εἶδος {divine form} and a θνητόν εἶδος {mortal form} of ψυχή {soul}: of which θεῖον {divine}, λογιστικὸν {rational}, θνητόν {mortal}, θυμοειδὲς {forceful, willful} + ἐπιθυμητικόν {appetitive}. Now ψυχή {soul}, as such, is ἀθάνατον {immortal}: therefore the word θνητόν {mortal} can only refer to a particular relation of ψυχή {soul} and σῶμα {body}, or operation of ψυχή through σῶμα. Θυμοειδὲς {forceful, willful} therefore and ἐπιθυμητικόν {appetitive} are not different parts of ψυχή, but only names for different modes of its action through σῶμα: thus θυμοειδὲς {forceful, willful} and ἐπιθυμητικόν {appetitive} are θνητά {mortal}, because, when the conjunction between ψυχή and σῶμα ceases, they cease also.
  Thus the apparent discrepancy between the Phaedo and Philebus is reconciled. In the one ἐπιθυμίαι are ascribed to σῶμα, as arising from conjunction of ψυχή and σῶμα: in the other they are more accurately ascribed to ψυχή because they are an affection of ψυχή through σῶμα. Also the argument of the Phaedo is entirely unaffected by the threefold division. All soul is simple, uniform, and indestructible; but in connexion with body it assumes certain phases which are temporary and only exist in relation to body. Thus though the θυμοειδὲς and ἐπιθυμητικόν, as such, are not immortal, because they depend for their continuance upon body, which is mortal; yet the vital principle, which under such conditions assumes these forms, is immortal and continues to exist, though not necessarily in the same mode. For the modes in which vital force acts under temporary conditions are transitory, but the acting force itself is changeless and eternal.

  § 5. Position of the Phaedo in the Platonic System. The whole philosophy of Plato is, as I am fully convinced, set forth in his extant dialogues. It is a system which in its final development forms a harmonious and consistent whole, worked out with unfailing |32| logical precision from its fundamental principles. But we can hardly suppose that this system sprang all at once in its mature completeness, like a new Athene, from its creator’s brain. Plato is not indeed wont to write down his ideas before they are well thought out: but when we reflect where he took philosophy up and where he left it, it would seem wonderful indeed if a series of compositions extending over a long life belonged to one and the same stage of thought. Of philosophy, properly so called, Plato is the originator and creator. The earlier Greek thinkers in their struggles up to the light had struck upon divers principles of profound and vital importance: the names of Herakleitos, Parmenides, and Anaxagoras are associated with truths which form the very framework of philosophy. But each of the earlier philosophers dwelt exclusively on his own peculiar principle, till in its isolation a truth became a falsehood; they advanced one aspect of the truth as if it were the whole: those on one side of the shield declared that all is convex; those on the other, all is concave. Philosophy first became possible when there arose a συνοπτικὸς ἀνήρ, who saw that these truths are complementary, that each is realised in the others. And here I cannot forbear once more to quote a remark of Hegel’s: ‘We are not to look upon Plato’s dialogues as if it were his concern to give expression to sundry philosophies, nor must we suppose that his philosophy was an eclectic system constructed out of the former: it rather forms the knot in which these one-sided abstract principles are truly unified in concrete form.…In the Platonic philosophy we see manifold philosophemes of earlier times, but taken up into Plato’s principles and therein unified.’ Platonism in fact realises by conciliation principles which in their separation were null and void.
  From this point of view we should expect to find in Plato’s exposition of his system (1) a phase wherein the necessity of such a conciliation is recognised and its accomplishment more or less effected, while at the same time imperfections and gaps yet remain, (2) a phase in which Plato’s severe self-criticism has revealed to him the weak points in his earlier theory, and his unparalleled metaphysical insight has suggested to him the remedy. To leap at once from the one-sided crudeness of preplatonic thought to so profound and comprehensive a philosophy as the later Platonism would seem beyond the power even of such a genius as Plato’s: there are few indeed who could have reached the intermediate stage. We may expect to see, and I believe we do see in the dialogues evidence of development in Plato’s thought, which passes through definite stages, enabling us to distribute the Platonic writings into three distinct |33| periods, which I shall term the Sokratic, the middle, and the later.
  Upon the precise nature of this development an entirely new and most important light has been thrown by Mr. Jackson in a masterly series of essays recently published in the Journal of Philology, vols. x and xi. His results, so far as he has yet proceeded, I cordially accept in the main; and it is from the standpoint which his researches have empowered us to reach that I now propose to indicate a classification of the Platonic dialogues. I am only concerned to give such a general outline as will enable me to define the period to which I conceive the Phaedo to belong; a full analysis would not serve the present purpose.
  At the time he first met Sokrates, the unsatisfactory result of previous speculation had in all probability inclined the young Plato, like most of his contemporaries, towards philosophic scepticism. Sokrates gave a new impetus to his thought; it was from him that Plato derived, along with the interrogatory method, the principle which afterwards bore such abundant fruit—the principle that knowledge is of universals. This is the great contribution of the unmetaphysical Sokrates to metaphysics; but it is in the hands of Plato, not of Sokrates, that it attained its true significance. And even with Plato it at first remained barren. In his earlier dialogues Plato exercises the exuberant strength of his growing thought in the Sokratic method of definition: we find abundant promise of the matchless artistic power that is to come, but little or no advance on the position of Sokrates. Such dialogues are the Euthyphro, Charmides, Laches, and others, mostly of small compass and of slight philosophical importance. They culminate in the Protagoras, the longest and most brilliant of the series. These dialogues constitute the Sokratic period; in them we do not yet find Plato.
  But Plato was a true scholar of Herakleitos: he saw that in things which abide not, but ever fluctuate and fleet away, there can be no stable truth nor basis of knowledge. Knowledge is of that which abides firm and changes not, if there exists such in the universe. And now Plato despairs no longer of finding this existence, he sees it in the principle of universals. But not in the universals as he received them from Sokrates; a change must pass upon them before they will serve his end. Sokrates had said, if we would know a thing we must clear our conception of it from all accidental attributes which may be peculiar to particular specimens of the class: if we would know what is a tree, we must obtain from the completest comparison that |34| our experience enables us to make an exhaustive catalogue of those attributes which are not peculiar to any particular tree but which are common to all, and lacking any one of which a thing would not be a tree. Thus we shall have framed in our mind the definition or concept of a tree, and now we have such knowledge of it as is attainable. But this concept is simply a thought in our own mind, it has no existence of its own: it is, as Protagoras might tell us, doubly unsubstantial; for it is formed from the impressions produced by an ever-changing object upon a subject that is never constant: the image of a flitting insect in running water is not more shadowy than the perceptions from which our definition is formed. Knowledge demands for its object a constant self-existent verity. This led Plato to the hypostasisation of the universal. In place of a mental concept derived from particulars he gives us an essential idea prior to the particulars, whereof it is the cause. These ideas, being veritably existent, can be objects of true knowledge; and they served Plato as a δεσμὸς wherewith to mediate between the immovable unity of Parmenides and the limitless plurality of Herakleitos. We cannot, says Plato, clear at one bound the gulf between ἓν and ἄπειρα, between the primal unity and the infinite multitude of particulars; we need, as intermediates, πολλά, i.e. a definite number of classes, proceeding by gradually widening generalisations from the infimae species to the all-embracing unity: and each of these classes represents an idea.
  This is the stage of the middle Platonism: as yet the ideas are simply hypostasisations of every logical concept. Consequently we find in the Republic an idea of every group of objects denoted by a class-name. We have at the top of the scale the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν, we have ideas of καλὸν δίκαιον, etc., ideas of natural objects, ideas of σκευαστά, beds, tables, etc., ideas of relations, great, small, equal, etc., and ideas of κακὸν ἄδικον and the like. The particulars in every group derive their nature and existence from the immanence, παρουσία, of the idea. The Republic is the chief exponent of this phase of Plato’s metaphysics: it is also represented by the Phaedrus, Symposium, and others: its main distinguishing characteristics are the assumption of an idea for every group of particulars, and the inherence of the idea in the particulars, also expressed as the participation, μέθεξις, of the particular in the idea.
  But Plato presently finds reason to be dissatisfied with this expression of his theory: the difficulties and deficiencies he sees therein are stated with overwhelming force in the earlier part of the Parmenides. The points which chiefly demanded correction were the contents of the |35| ideal world and the relation between ideas and particulars. The list of ideas is largely reduced, though it is not easy to say precisely to what extent: instead of an idea corresponding to every group of particulars we now have only an idea for every group which is naturally and not artificially determined; thus all ideas of σκευαστά are abolished. Next relations are reduced from the rank of ideas to that of universal predicates, or, as Aristotle would say, categories; so that we no longer have ideas of great and small, equal and double, and so forth. Finally ideas of negations are abolished, such as evil, unjust, etc. Therefore one great criterion of the stage to which a dialogue belongs will be the nature of the ideas that are assumed in it.
  The second point is no less important, the relation between the ideal and the material world. In the middle period the idea exists (α) transcendentally, ἐν τῇ φύσει, (β) immanent in the particulars. In the period to which we have now come, the transcendental existence of the idea alone is allowed: the particulars no longer participate in the idea, but are regarded as copies, μιμήματα, of the ideal type, παραδείγμα. In this way the objections formulated in the Parmenides against the earlier account of the relation between idea and particular are avoided. Other characteristics of the later Platonism, as the analysis of ὂντα into πέρας and ἄπειρον in the Philebus, and the still subtler analysis of the Timaeus, need not detain us here; since the object of the foregoing statement is merely to indicate the development of Plato’s system so far as is necessary for fixing the position of the Phaedo. The later metaphysic is unfolded in the Parmenides, Sophist, and Philebus, and consummated in the Timaeus.
  Guided by these landmarks we shall find it no hard matter to determine the bearings of the Phaedo. In this dialogue we have an idea of ἴσον (74a), μέγα. (100b), σμικρότες (100e), etc. Also we have the idea described as ἐν ἡμῖν as well as ἐν τῇ φύσει (102d). That is to say, in the Phaedo (1) we see ideas of relations, though ideas of σμικρότες do not occur, and (2) the ideas are immanent in particulars. These are two unmistakable marks that the dialogue belongs to the Platonism of the Republic.
  The metaphysical doctrine of the Phaedo is in fact identical with that of the Republic, although it is less precisely formulated. The cardinal point in each dialogue is the existence of the ideas as the sole principle of causation and the one object of true knowledge. In the Phaedo indeed Plato does not bring out in definite language the subordination of the other ideas to the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν as the supreme source of all existence. But this is not due to any discordance of theory, but only to |36| a difference in the immediate object. The supremacy of the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν in the Phaedo is plainly indicated in the fact that τὸ βέλτιστον is postulated as the ultimate αἰτία, to which all other causes are merely subsidiary. Moreover a synthesis of these two dialogues will show us that Plato is working on precisely the same lines which he afterwards follows in the Philebus and Timaeus. In the Phaedo he declares that all things are ordered by νοῦς working τὸ βέλτιστον. But what is the best? by what standard are we to determine it? The answer is indicated in the Republic: the efficient and final causes are indistinguishably blended in the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν. This identification is pregnant with a significance which is not fully brought to light until we come to the Timaeus; where, behind the veil of poetical embroidery, we behold the universe as the self-evolution of absolute νοῦς, according to the immutable laws of its own nature. The standard of τὸ βέλτιστον then lies in the nature of νοῦς: and νοῦς in operating ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιστον is working out its own being. This is why the philosopher must seek to base his morality upon cognition of the ἀγαθόν itself; for there is no other standard of excellence than the laws of true Being.
  The thoroughly Herakleitean conception of the phenomenal world is also quite in keeping with the Republic. In the shadowy realm of the sensible the soul goes astray bewildered and befogged in the whirling eddy of unsubstantial phantoms—ἀμενηνὰ κάρηνα—that throng around her. In this doubtful region, midway between being and not-being, she {the soul} can only grope her way under the treacherous guidance of opinion. And here we may note another characteristic of the middle period, in the absence of any really serious attempt to account for the existence or apparent existence of phenomena. Plato does not flatly deny the existence of the visible world, as the Eleatics did; he assigns it a sort of ignominious half-existence: but he gives us no explanation of it beyond such vaguely metaphorical phrases as participation in the ideas. It is not until his latest dialogues that he sets himself resolutely to deal with this problem. He never recedes from his Herakleitean view of phenomena; but he recognises that their appearance is a fact requiring the most thorough investigation.
  The position of the Phaedo with respect to the vexed question of predication is very interesting. In the earlier days of philosophy, for fault of adequate logical analysis, the perplexity surrounding this subject was so great that thinkers of most opposite tendencies had been forced to deny the possibility of predication altogether—at most identical propositions could be admitted. From the first Plato perceived that there could be no sound logical or metaphysical basis for a dogma which |37| would render reason useless and language impossible. In Phaedo 102b, we have his earlier view on the subject. Whatever we predicate of an object is predicable of such object by virtue of the immanence of the idea therein; we call it by a name denoting the attribute of the idea: τούτων τἆλλα μεταλαμβάνοντα αὐτῶν τούτων τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἴσχειν. In fact when we say ‘Simmias is small,’ this is merely a convenient expression for Simmias partakes of the idea of smallness. Accordingly the two statements ‘Simmias is small,’ ‘Simmias is great,’ though contradictory ὡς τοῖς ῥήμασι λέγεται, are not contradictory in fact; for they only signify that Simmias participates in both ideas: in comparing him to Sokrates we designate him by the ἐπωνυμία of μέγεθος, to Phaedo by that of σμικρότης. Moreover the expression Simmias is smaller than Phaedo is only a conventional phrase signifying that the σμικρότης in Simmias is smaller than the μέγεθος in Phaedo. 14

14 A confusion of course arises from the assumption of ideas of relation: but with this we are not at present concerned.

  Now however superior this conception may be to that of Antisthenes and others who denied predication, it is plain that it does not really touch the vital point. The whole puzzle arose from erroneous notions about ὂν {being} and μὴ ὄν {not being}; the copula ἐστί was conceived to denote identity and veritable existence, while οὔκ ἐστίν implied absolute negation—abstract non-existence. This is the problem which is handled with such consummate skill in Sophist 240b onwards. But in the Phaedo Plato is so far from approaching this question that he does not even betray the slightest consciousness that just herein lies the difficulty; he has in fact evaded, not solved, the ἀπορία {question}. Here again the Phaedo ranks itself with the Republic. In the latter (477a following) we have the division into ὂν, μὴ ὂν, and τὸ μεταξὺ, being respectively the objects of γνῶσις, ἀγνωσία, and δόξα. In this classification ὂν signifies absolute existence, μὴ ὄν absolute non-existence, while τὸ μεταξὺ comprehends all phenomena. Now although a sensible object is declared to be ἅμα ὄν τε καὶ μὴ ὄν (478d), this is simply because it lies μεταξὺ τοῦ εἰλικρινῶς ὄντος τε καὶ τοῦ πάντως μὴ ὄντος—it is an ambiguous semi-reality: but there is no glimmer of the significance in which Plato afterwards declares (Sophist 259b) that it πολλαχῇ μὲν ἔστι, πολλαχῇ δ’ οὐκ ἔστιν. When the Sophist was written, he did not shrink from affirming that τὸ ὂν ἄρ’ ἡμῖν, ὅσαπέρ ἐστι τὰ ἄλλα, κατὰ τοσαῦτα οὐκ ἔστιν· ἐκεῖνα γὰρ οὐκ ὂν ἓν μὲν αὐτό ἐστιν, ἀπέραντα δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τἆλλα οὐκ ἔστιν αὖ (257a). But in the Republic. and Phaedo there is not the slightest evidence either that Plato had made the logical analysis which led him to this conclusion or that he was alive to the necessity of making it. 15

15 The difference between Plato’s earlier and later views on predication is very clearly brought out by Mr. Jackson in his paper on the Parmenides, Journal of Philology, vol. xi p. 287 following.

  |38| On this ground also then the Phaedo must be classed along with the Republic in the middle period. Which of these two dialogues was prior in order of composition is a question which I think is hardly possible to determine. Plato’s voice in the Republic is clearer, fuller, and more confident. The ontological theory which is somewhat vaguely sketched in the Phaedo is in the Republic very precisely formulated. But this admits of a double interpretation. We may either suppose that the Phaedo contains as it were the first draft of a scheme which is afterwards fully matured; or else that Plato is briefly adverting to a theory which he has already thoroughly expounded. We might point to the more confident tone of the Republic with regard to the attainment of knowledge as arguing an advance upon the Phaedo: but, it must be remembered, Plato recognises in the Timaeus that an approximation to knowledge is all for which the human intellect can hope: albeit the Phaedo does not strike one as intermediate between the Republic and Timaeus in this respect.
  The doctrine of ἀνάμνησις {soul memory}, though it does not occur in the Republic, is conspicuous in two other dialogues of the middle period, to wit the Meno and Phaedrus. It is remarkable that this thought, dormant through nearly all the later period, finally reappears, under an altered form, but still easily recognisable, in the Timaeus.
  So much for the metaphysical relations of the Phaedo, which enable us with perfect certainty, if we accept the theory of development which I have indicated, to assign it to the middle Platonism; in fact it constitutes, along with the Republic, our chief source of information upon the fundamental principles of that period. Its ethical relations are discussed in Appendix I, and therefore need not here be dwelt upon: moreover they are of very slight comparative importance for our present purpose. It is absolutely impossible to fix the position of any Platonic dialogue by its ethical contents: the metaphysical significance alone constitutes the very soul of Plato’s works; and this is the guide we must follow, if we would determine the order of their development.
  § 6. Persons of the dialogue. (i) Echekrates the Phliasian is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (viii 46), along with his countrymen Phanton Diokles and Polymnastos and the Chalkidian Xenophilos, as the last of the Pythagoreans. These |39| men, according to the same authority, were scholars of Philolaos and Eurytos, and were still alive in the time of Aristoxenos, the musician and Peripatetic, who was a contemporary of Theophrastos. An Echekrates, the son of Phrynion, is mentioned in the 9th Platonic epistle, 358b, but there is nothing to show whether he is identical with the Echekrates of the Phaedo: there was, according to the catalogue given by Iamblichos, a Tarentine Pythagorean of that name; Prof. Geddes suggests that Echekrates may have been an Italian by birth who settled at Phlius; but the Phliasian occurs as a distinct person in Iamblichos’ list of Pythagoreans. 16

16 Echekrates, a Lokrian Pythagorean, occurs in Cicero de finibus v § 87: if Cicero is correct in saying that he was one of Plato’s teachers, he is obviously a different man.

  Plato’s choice of Echekrates as the auditor of Phaedo’s narrative is judicious. A hearer was required who should be in sympathy not only with the character and fate of Sokrates, but also with his teaching. The theory of ideas plays the most important part in the arguments ascribed to Sokrates, and none would be so likely as a Pythagorean philosopher to turn a friendly ear to this theory. The Pythagorean doctrine of numbers, as Aristotle tells us, bore a considerable resemblance to Plato’s ideal theory: and we may well suppose that a due amount of σκέψις ἐν τοῖς λόγος {examination of the word that embodies an idea} would render an intelligent Pythagorean a ready recipient of Platonism.
  (ii) Phaedo was a man of much greater note. A native of Elis, he was taken prisoner in the war waged by Sparta and Athens upon his country, BC 401. He is said to have been brought as a slave to Athens; but his servitude cannot have been of long duration, since in 399 we find him a member of the Sokratic circle: according to Aulus Gellius (ii 18) he was ransomed by Kebes {who gave him the opportunity of studying philosophy. And he afterwards became a distinguished philosopher}, and, in the words of Diogenes {from that time onwards he studied philosophy as became a free man}. He seems to have possessed genuine philosophic ability; and after the death of Sokrates he returned to his own country, where he founded the Elean school; the same which, after its transplantation by Menedemos, became better known as the Eretrian. Nothing definite seems to have been recorded regarding the views of Phaedo; but probably they bore a considerable resemblance to those of Eukleides, with whom he is classed by the satirist Timon in a passage quoted in Diogenes Laertius ii 107:

ἀλλ᾽ οὔ μοι τούτων φλεδόνων μέλει, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἄλλου οὐδενός, οὐ Φαίδωνος, ὅτις γένετ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ἐριδάντεω Εὐκλείδεω, Μεγαρεῦσιν ὃς ἔμβαλε λύσσαν ἐρισμοῦ. {But I care not for these babblers, nor for anyone besides, not for Phaedo whoever he be, nor wrangling Euclides, who inspired the Megarians with a frenzied love of controversy.}

  |40| A tendency to ἐρισμὸς {argumentation} certainly characterised his Eretrian successor Menedemos. Phaedo composed dialogues, whereof the names of several are given by Diogenes Laertius ii 105: of these however only two are said by Diogenes to be undoubtedly genuine, Ζώπυρος and Σίμων. A fragment from one of his works is thus translated by Seneca epist. xciv 41: minuta quaedam animalia, cum mordent, non sentiuntur: adeo tenuis illis et fallens in periculum vis est: tumor indicat morsum, et in ipso tumore nullum volnus apparet. idem tibi in conversatione virorum sapientium eveniet: non deprehendes, quemadmodum aut quando tibi prosit, profuisse deprehendes. {Certain tiny animals do not leave any pain when they sting us; so subtle is their power, so deceptive for purposes of harm. The bite is disclosed by a swelling, and even in the swelling there is no visible wound.” That will also be your experience when dealing with wise men, you will not discover how or when the benefit comes to you, but you will discover that you have received it.} The neatness of this simile would lead us to suppose that Gellius was justified in the epithet ‘admodum elegantes,’ which he applies to Phaedo’s writings.
  Phaedo was evidently a special favourite with Sokrates and seems to have been highly esteemed by the other Sokratics: of whom Aischines is said to have composed a dialogue called by his name. The chronology of his life is unknown; at the death of Sokrates however he appears to have been little more than a youth.
  (iii) Concerning Apollodoros of Phaleron we know little beyond what Plato has told us. He was a man of impulsive and passionate temperament, which had gained him the name of ὁ μανικός {the madman} (cf. Symposium 173d), fervently attached to Sokrates, but frequently, it would seem, not very good company to others (Symposium l. 1. σαυτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγριαίνεις πλὴν Σωκράτους.) Xenophon refers to him twice: once in Memorabilia in xi 17, where he is said to be inseparable from Sokrates; and again in the Apology 28, where Xenophon again testifies to his strong affection for his master, but stigmatises him as ἄλλως εὐήθης {otherwise foolish}. He is of no philosophical importance.
  (iv) Simmias was a native of Thebes, where he attended the lectures of the Pythagorean Philolaos. How long he had been a companion of Sokrates is unknown, but both he and his friend Kebes were at the time of their residence in Athens very young men (νεανίσκων, 89a: afterwards he seems to have acquired a considerable reputation. He is mentioned in the Phaedrus 242b: Sokrates vows that no one has caused the production of more λόγοι, whether composed by himself or by others, than Phaedrus; always excepting Simmias—Σιμμίαν γὰρ ἐξαιρῶ λόγου. In Crito 45b Simmias is said to have brought to Athens a sufficient sum to effect the release of Sokrates. The meagre notice of him in Diogenes Laertius ii 124 is merely a catalogue of twenty-three dialogues of which he was said to be the author. In Plutarch De Genio Socratis § 7 Simmias is made to say that he studied philosophy at Memphis in company with Plato and Ellopion of Peparethos. |41| This is pretty nearly the sum total of our information concerning him.
  (v) Of Kebes equally little is known, beyond what we learn from the Phaedo. Diogenes says merely Κέβης ὁ Θηβαῖος: καὶ τούτου φέρονται διάλογοι τρεῖς: Πίναξ, Ἑβδόμη, Φρύνιχος. A composition purporting to be the Πίναξ of Kebes is still extant; but there can be no doubt that it is spurious. Xenophon mentions him twice (Memorabilia I ii 48, iii xi 17), but adds nothing to our knowledge. He, like Simmias, offered to furnish funds to secure the release of Sokrates (Crito 45b). And this is all there is to tell of him.
  Yet this Theban pair, little as is known of their lives, will always be full of interest in our eyes, because of the important part they play in this dialogue. They are both alike painted as ardent lovers of philosophy, keen and eager searchers after truth. Both evidently enjoyed the esteem of Plato in a high degree; but the philosopher has succeeded with a few light and subtle touches in thoroughly individualising the two men: we cannot read the Phaedo without being conscious of a marked difference in their temperament. Simmias is somewhat dreamy and prone to mysticism; he is intelligent and sympathetic, but not free from vagueness; he is apt to be misled by superficial likenesses, e.g. on the subject of harmony; and he sometimes λανθάνει ἐμαυτὸν οὐδὲν εἰπών, as in 76d. But the intellect of Kebes is bright and keen as a sword: he has an admirable faculty of seeing the point and making straight towards it; all his criticisms are definite and precise and aimed at the heart of the matter; he possesses the invaluable quality of always knowing exactly what he himself means, and he will not put up with any haziness of thought in others. He is notable for his πραγματεία, for tenaciously clinging to the question until it is sifted to the very bottom: he is the hardest of all mortals to convince, yet perfectly open to conviction when once a satisfactory argument has been found. It is always Kebes who at every important point influences the course of the dialogue: he gives the message from Euenos which starts the whole discussion (60d; he insists on being told why suicide should be unlawful (61d), and how Sokrates can welcome death without contradicting his own principles (62c); he points out that the question of the soul’s immortality must be raised (70a); he suggests the theory of ἀνάμνησις (72e); and finally he brings forward the objection in 87a, which shows that he has fully grasped the previous argument in all its bearings and perceives exactly what is required for its completion. Thus every important issue turns upon some pertinent remark of Kebes. The chief contribution of Simmias is the discussion |42| on harmony; which is indeed a theory that must needs be debated, but which, as I have shown, does not affect the position of the demonstration; nor does it show that he has mastered the argument like his clearer-headed companion. Yet, as Sokrates says of him, οὐ φαύλως ἔοικεν ἁπτομένῳ τοῦ λόγου: he is a sincere and zealous lover of truth, and not unworthy to share the immortality which Plato has bestowed at least upon the fame of these two Theban friends.
  (vi) Of a personage so well known as Kriton it is needless for me to say much: a few words concerning him will complete this account of the interlocutors. He was the oldest and dearest friend of Sokrates, a man of wealth and position and of high character. His sympathy with Sokrates was probably much more personal than intellectual; Plato’s picture of him is as of a sensible and kindly man of the world, looking upon life from the point of view of an honest Athenian gentle man, but without any capacity for philosophy. Indeed, if the anecdote in Euthydemus 304d following, has any foundation on fact, he may sometimes have remonstrated with his friend for his philosophical eccentricities. Diogenes Laertius however (ii 121) gives a list of seventeen dialogues attributed to him, some of which have such ambitious titles as Περὶ τοῦ γνῶναι, τί τὸ ἐπίστασθαι: we can hardly suppose that they contributed much to the solution of these problems. Diogenes sums up the true interest of the man when he says οὗτος μάλιστα φιλοστοργότατα διετέθη πρὸς Σωκράτην, καὶ οὕτως ἐπεμελεῖτο αὐτοῦ, ὥστε μηδέποτ᾽ ἐλλείπειν τι τῶν πρὸς τὴν χρείαν.
  (vii) The other companions of Sokrates who were with him at the last, but who do not speak, are Kritobulos, the son of Kriton; Hermogenes, son of Hipponikos, a speaker in the Cratylus; Epigenes, son of Antiphon; Aischines, son of Charinos a sausage-seller, or, by another account, of Lysanias; he was a noted Sokratic and the author of eight dialogues (Diogenes Laertius ii 64); Antisthenes, founder of the Cynics; Ktesippos, a youth introduced in the Euthydemus; Menexenos, son of Demophon, who gives his name to a dialogue; Phaidondes, of whom we know only that he was a Theban; Eukleides, founder of the Megarian school; and his friend Terpsion, also a Megarian. Of these all but the last three are Athenians.

  I append a list of editions of the Phaedo and other works of which I have made use.
  Platonis Phaedo ed. Wyttenbach
  Platonis Phaedo ed. Heindorf
  Platonis Phaedo ed. Ast
  Platonis Phaedo ed. Geddes
  Platonis Phaedo ed. W. Wagner
  Platonis Phaedo ed. Stallbaum’s edition as remodelled by Wohlrab. This is really a
  variorum edition, containing notes by most previous editors and by Wohlrab himself.
  Platon’s Phaedon fur den Schulgebrauch erklart von Martin Wohlrab.
  Schanz’s critical edition of the Phaedo.
  Hirschig’s critical edition of the Phaedo.
  Schleiermacher’s introduction translation and notes.
  Plato’s Phaedo literally translated by E. M. Cope.
  Olympiodori Scholia in Phaedonem.
  Hermann Schmidt. Kritischer Cornmentar zu Plato’s Phaedon.
  Bonitz. Platonische Studien.
  Ast. Plato’s Leben und Schriften.
  Hegel. Geschichte der Philosophic, Plato.
  Zeller. Philosophic der Griechen.
  Teichmiiller. Studien zur Geschichte der Begriffe, and Die platonische Frage.
  Schanz’s critical writings on Plato’s text.
  Since this in no wise pretends to be a critical edition I have thought it needless to give the mss. readings in full: this would have been merely a reproduction of other men’s work. For all who are interested in the text of Plato the edition of Schanz is indispensable; and the readings of other mss. are given by Stallbaum and Bekker. Remembering nevertheless how much it is to the reader’s convenience that he should know exactly how far he can trust the text before him, I have drawn attention in the notes to every case in which my reading materially differs from the mss. I have also marked all noteworthy points of difference from two of the editions which are in most common use, |44| viz. those of Stallbaum and of the Zurich editors. Also, seeing that my text is based upon that of Schanz, I have noted all my departures from his readings. Wherever I have had occasion to refer to the four mss. quoted by him, I have adopted the symbols which he has employed to denote them; these are as follows:
  B = Clarkianus sive Oxoniensis sive Bodleianus.
  C = Crusianus sive Tubingensis.
  D = Venetus 185.
  E = Bessarionis liber sive Venetus 184.
  Stallbaum and the Zurich edition are denoted by St. and Z. respectively. Where I have deserted Schanz, it has usually been in the direction of a return to the mss. The chief blemish in the text of the Phaedo is interpolation, which is not wonderful, considering that few products of Greek philosophy have been read more widely and less intelligently. There are no small number of instances in which words or sentences have indubitably been inserted by some copyist or annotator out of sheer inability to grasp the connexion. But this cannot justify the reckless handling of Hirschig, who cancels or rewrites passages whole sale, for no apparent reason but that they are not such Greek as he would have written himself. The result in many such cases is a deep thankfulness in the reader’s soul that Plato, not Hirschig, was the author of the dialogues. Schanz, though a far sounder critic, has, I think, in several cases unduly deferred to Hirschig; and in others has himself bracketed passages without having in my opinion sufficient cause. In matters of orthography I have for the most part followed his guidance. And I cannot conclude without an expression of gratitude for the invaluable work he has given us: indeed only those who have engaged in the task of editing any of the dialogues can fully appreciate the boon which has been bestowed on Platonic students by Martin Schanz.


The Phaedo of Plato

  Persons of the Dialogue: Phaedo, who is the narrator of the dialogue to Echecrates of Phlius; Sokrates, Apollodorus, Simmias, Kebes, Crito and an Attendant of the Prison.
  Scene: The Prison of Sokrates.
  Place of the Narration: Phlius.


Phaedo, Part 1.

|57a| Echecrates: Were you with Sokrates yourself, Phaedo, on the day when he drank the poison in prison, or did you hear about it from someone else?
Phaedo: I was there myself, Echecrates.
Echecrates: Then what did he say before his death? and how did he die? I should like to hear, for nowadays none of the Phliasians go to Athens at all, and no stranger has come from there for a long time, |57b| who could tell us anything definite about this matter, except that he drank poison and died, so we could learn no further details.
Phaedo: Did you not even hear about the trial and how it was conducted?
Echecrates: Yes, some one told us about that, and we wondered that although it took place a long time ago, he was put to death much later. Now why was that, Phaedo?
|58a| Phaedo: It was a matter of chance, Echecrates. It happened that the stern of the ship which the Athenians send to Delos was crowned on the day before the trial.
Echecrates: What ship is this?
Phaedo: This is the ship, as the Athenians say, in which Theseus once went to Crete with the fourteen |58b| youths and maidens, and saved them and himself. Now the Athenians made a vow to Apollo, as the story goes, that if they were saved they would send a mission every year to Delos. And from that time even to the present day they send it annually in honor of the god. Now it is their law that after the mission begins the city must be pure and no one may be publicly executed until the ship has gone to Delos and back; and sometimes, when contrary winds |58c| detain it, this takes a long time. The beginning of the mission is when the priest of Apollo crowns the stern of the ship; and this took place, as I say, on the day before the trial. For that reason Sokrates passed a long time in prison between his trial and his death.
Phaedo 57a-59c, cc. i, ii. Prologue. Echekrates, the Phliasian, begs for information respecting the last moments of Sokrates. Phaedo assents, and, after explaining the circumstances which delayed the execution, gives a list of the friends who were present at that last meeting, where sorrow and gladness were so strangely mingled.

Φαιδων, Part 1.

|57α| Ἐχεκράτης: αὐτός, 1 ὦ Φαίδων, παρεγένου Σωκράτει ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ᾗ τὸ φάρμακον ἔπιεν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ, ἢ ἄλλου του ἤκουσας;
Φαίδων: αὐτός, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες.
Ἐχεκράτης: τί οὖν δή ἐστιν ἅττα εἶπεν ὁ ἀνὴρ πρὸ τοῦ θανάτου; καὶ πῶς ἐτελεύτα; ἡδέως γὰρ ἂν ἐγὼ ἀκούσαιμι. καὶ γὰρ οὔτε τῶν πολιτῶν Φλιασίων 2 οὐδεὶς πάνυ τι ἐπιχωριάζει τὰ νῦν Ἀθήναζε, οὔτε τις ξένος ἀφῖκται χρόνου συχνοῦ |57b| ἐκεῖθεν ὅστις ἂν 3 ἡμῖν σαφές τι ἀγγεῖλαι οἷός τ᾽ ἦν περὶ τούτων, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι φάρμακον πιὼν ἀποθάνοι: τῶν δὲ ἄλλων οὐδὲν εἶχεν φράζειν.

|58α| Φαίδων: οὐδὲ τὰ περὶ τῆς δίκης ἄρα ἐπύθεσθε ὃν τρόπον ἐγένετο;γ
Ἐχεκράτης: ναί, ταῦτα μὲν ἡμῖν ἤγγειλέ τις, καὶ ἐθαυμάζομέν γε ὅτι πάλαι γενομένης αὐτῆς πολλῷ ὕστερον 4 φαίνεται ἀποθανών. τί οὖν ἦν τοῦτο, ὦ Φαίδων;

Φαίδων: τύχη τις αὐτῷ, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, συνέβη: ἔτυχεν γὰρ τῇ προτεραίᾳ τῆς δίκης ἡ πρύμνα ἐστεμμένη τοῦ πλοίου ὃ εἰς Δῆλον Ἀθηναῖοι πέμπουσιν.
Ἐχεκράτης: τοῦτο δὲ δὴ τί ἐστιν;
Φαίδων: τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι τὸ πλοῖον, ὥς φασιν Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐν ᾧ Θησεύς ποτε εἰς Κρήτην τοὺς ‘δὶς ἑπτὰ’ 5 ἐκείνους ᾤχετο |58b| ἄγων καὶ ἔσωσέ τε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐσώθη. τῷ οὖν Ἀπόλλωνι ηὔξαντο ὡς λέγεται τότε, εἰ σωθεῖεν, ἑκάστου ἔτους θεωρίαν ἀπάξειν εἰς Δῆλον: ἣν δὴ ἀεὶ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἐξ ἐκείνου κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν τῷ θεῷ πέμπουσιν. ἐπειδὰν οὖν ἄρξωνται τῆς θεωρίας, νόμος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ καθαρεύειν τὴν πόλιν καὶ δημοσίᾳ μηδένα ἀποκτεινύναι, 6 πρὶν ἂν εἰς Δῆλόν τε ἀφίκηται τὸ πλοῖον καὶ πάλιν δεῦρο: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐνίοτε ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ γίγνεται, ὅταν τύχωσιν ἄνεμοι ἀπολαβόντες |58ξ| αὐτούς. ἀρχὴ δ᾽ ἐστὶ τῆς θεωρίας ἐπειδὰν ὁ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος στέψῃ τὴν πρύμναν τοῦ πλοίου: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔτυχεν, ὥσπερ λέγω, τῇ προτεραίᾳ τῆς δίκης γεγονός. διὰ ταῦτα καὶ πολὺς χρόνος ἐγένετο τῷ Σωκράτει ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ ὁ μεταξὺ τῆς δίκης τε καὶ τοῦ θανάτου.

1 αὐτός: Echekrates merely desires to know whether he can depend upon the account of Phaedo as that of an eye witness: this remark would have been needless, but for the strange comment of Hermogenes the rhetorician: ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἢρετο ὡς θαυμάζων καὶ μακαρίζων τὸν παραγενόμενον, ὁ δὲ ἀπεκίνατο σεμνυνόμενος καὶ μέγα φροῶν.
2 Φλιασίων: in apposition to τῶν πολιτῶν. The insertion of τῶν is altogether needless; the article is continually omitted before national names by all Attic writers. Stallbaum compares Apology 32b, Meno 70b.
3 ὅστις ἂν: ‘who would have been able to tell us’. In a phrase of this sort I conceive that no definite protasis is in the mind of the writer. I cannot see what is gained by supplying ‘si venisset’ with Rückert, or ‘wenn er gefragt worden wäre’ with Wohlrab. The words which follow show that communication between Athens and Phlius did exist, for some Athenian visitor brought the news of Sokrates’ death. It seems needless therefore to speculate whether intercourse was suspended by the war with Elis (Stallbaum), which ended in the year Sokrates died; or by the Corinthian war (C. F. Hermann), which began five years afterwards. The events of the last day in prison were of course known but to a small circle.
4 πολλῷ ὕστερον: Thirty days: Xenophon Memorabilia IV viii 2.
5 τοὺς ‘δὶς ἑπτὰ’: the seven maidens and seven youths, according to the legend, who were delivered every nine years to the Minotaur.
6 μηδένα ἀποκτεινύναι: So Xenophon l.l.


Phaedo, Part 2.
Echecrates: What took place at his death, Phaedo? What was said and done? And which of his friends were with him? Or did the authorities forbid them to be present, so that he died without his friends? |58d| Phaedo: Not at all. Some were there, in fact, a good many.
Echecrates: Be so good as to tell us as exactly as you can about all these things, if you are not too busy.
Phaedo: I am not busy and I will try to tell you. It is always my greatest pleasure to be reminded of Sokrates whether by speaking of him myself or by listening to someone else.
Echecrates: Well, Phaedo, you will have hearers who feel as you do; so try to tell us everything as accurately as you can.
|58e| Phaedo: For my part, I had strange emotions when I was there. For I was not filled with pity as I might naturally be when present at the death of a friend; since he seemed to me to be happy, both in his bearing and his words, he was meeting death so fearlessly and nobly. And so I thought that even in going to the abode of the dead he was not going without the protection of the gods, and that when he arrived there |59a| it would be well with him, if it ever was well with anyone. And for this reason I was not at all filled with pity, as might seem natural when I was present at a scene of mourning; nor on the other hand did I feel pleasure because we were occupied with philosophy, as was our custom—and our talk was of philosophy;—but a very strange feeling came over me, an unaccustomed mixture of pleasure and of pain together, when I thought that Sokrates was presently to die. And all of us who were there were in much the same condition, sometimes laughing and sometimes weeping; especially one of us, Apollodorus; you know him |59b| and his character.
Echecrates: To be sure I do.
Phaedo: He was quite unrestrained, and I was much agitated myself, as were the others.
Echecrates: Who were these, Phaedo?
Phaedo: Of native Athenians there was this Apollodorus, and Critobulus and his father, and Hermogenes and Epiganes and Aeschines and Antisthenes; and Ctesippus the Paeanian was there too, and Menexenus and some other Athenians. But Plato, I think, was ill.
|59c| Echecrates: Were any foreigners there?
Phaedo: Yes, Simmias of Thebes and Kebes and Phaedonides, and from Megara Euclides and Terpsion.
Echecrates: What? Were Aristippus and Cleombrotus there?
Phaedo: No. They were said to be in Aegina.
Echecrates: Was anyone else there?
Phaedo: I think these were about all.
Echecrates: Well then, what was the conversation?

Φαιδων, Part 2.
Ἐχεκράτης: τί δὲ δὴ τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν τὸν θάνατον, ὦ Φαίδων; τί ἦν τὰ λεχθέντα καὶ πραχθέντα, καὶ τίνες οἱ παραγενόμενοι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τῷ ἀνδρί; ἢ οὐκ εἴων οἱ ἄρχοντες παρεῖναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἔρημος ἐτελεύτα φίλων;
|58δ| Φαίδων: οὐδαμῶς, ἀλλὰ παρῆσάν τινες, καὶ πολλοί γε.
Ἐχεκράτης: ταῦτα δὴ πάντα προθυμήθητι ὡς σαφέστατα ἡμῖν ἀπαγγεῖλαι, εἰ μή τίς σοι ἀσχολία τυγχάνει οὖσα.
Φαίδων: ἀλλὰ σχολάζω γε καὶ πειράσομαι ὑμῖν διηγήσασθαι: καὶ γὰρ τὸ μεμνῆσθαι Σωκράτους καὶ αὐτὸν λέγοντα καὶ ἄλλου ἀκούοντα ἔμοιγε ἀεὶ πάντων ἥδιστον.
Ἐχεκράτης: ἀλλὰ μήν, ὦ Φαίδων, καὶ τοὺς ἀκουσομένους γε τοιούτους ἑτέρους 1 ἔχεις: ἀλλὰ πειρῶ ὡς ἂν δύνῃ ἀκριβέστατα διεξελθεῖν πάντα.
|58ε| Φαίδων: καὶ μὴν ἔγωγε θαυμάσια ἔπαθον παραγενόμενος. οὔτε γὰρ ὡς θανάτῳ παρόντα με ἀνδρὸς ἐπιτηδείου ἔλεος εἰσῄει: εὐδαίμων γάρ 2 μοι ἁνὴρ ἐφαίνετο, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, καὶ τοῦ τρόπου καὶ τῶν λόγων, ὡς ἀδεῶς καὶ γενναίως ἐτελεύτα, ὥστε μοι ἐκεῖνον παρίστασθαι μηδ᾽ εἰς Ἅιδου ἰόντα ἄνευ θείας μοίρας ἰέναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκεῖσε ἀφικόμενον εὖ πράξειν |59α| εἴπερ τις πώποτε καὶ ἄλλος. διὰ δὴ ταῦτα οὐδὲν πάνυ μοι ἐλεινὸν εἰσῄει, ὡς εἰκὸς ἂν δόξειεν εἶναι παρόντι πένθει, 3 οὔτε αὖ ἡδονὴ ὡς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ 4 ἡμῶν ὄντων ὥσπερ εἰώθεμεν—καὶ γὰρ οἱ λόγοι τοιοῦτοί τινες ἦσαν—ἀλλ᾽ ἀτεχνῶς ἄτοπόν τί μοι πάθος παρῆν καί τις ἀήθης κρᾶσις ἀπό τε τῆς ἡδονῆς συγκεκραμένη ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς λύπης, ἐνθυμουμένῳ ὅτι αὐτίκα ἐκεῖνος ἔμελλε τελευτᾶν. καὶ πάντες οἱ παρόντες σχεδόν τι οὕτω διεκείμεθα, τοτὲ μὲν γελῶντες, ἐνίοτε δὲ δακρύοντες, εἷς δὲ ἡμῶν καὶ διαφερόντως, Ἀπολλόδωρος 5|59b| οἶσθα γάρ που τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὸν τρόπον αὐτοῦ.
Ἐχεκράτης: πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
Φαίδων: ἐκεῖνός τε τοίνυν παντάπασιν οὕτως εἶχεν, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔγωγε ἐτεταράγμην καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι.
Ἐχεκράτης: ἔτυχον δέ, ὦ Φαίδων, τίνες παραγενόμενοι;
Φαίδων: οὗτός τε δὴ ὁ Ἀπολλόδωρος τῶν ἐπιχωρίων παρῆν καὶ Κριτόβουλος καὶ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἔτι Ἑρμογένης καὶ Ἐπιγένης καὶ Αἰσχίνης καὶ Ἀντισθένης: ἦν δὲ καὶ Κτήσιππος ὁ Παιανιεὺς καὶ Μενέξενος καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων. Πλάτων δὲ 6 οἶμαι ἠσθένει.
Ἐχεκράτης ξένοι δέ τινες παρῆσαν;
|59ξ| Φαίδων: ναί, Σιμμίας τέ γε ὁ Θηβαῖος καὶ Κέβης καὶ Φαιδώνδης 7 καὶ Μεγαρόθεν Εὐκλείδης τε καὶ Τερψίων.
Ἐχεκράτης τί δέ; Ἀρίστιππος καὶ Κλεόμβροτος [οὐ] παρεγένοντο; 8
Φαίδων: οὐ δῆτα: ἐν Αἰγίνῃ 9 γὰρ ἐλέγοντο εἶναι.
Ἐχεκράτης ἄλλος δέ τις παρῆν;
Φαίδων: σχεδόν τι οἶμαι τούτους παραγενέσθαι.
Ἐχεκράτης τί οὖν δή; τίνες φῂς ἦσαν οἱ λόγοι;

1 τοιούτους ἑτέρους: i.e. they take equal pleasure in the recollection of Sokrates: compare below 59a καὶ γὰρ οἱ λόγοι τοιοῦτοί τινες ἦσαν, referring to ὡς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ ἡμῶν ὄντων: and 79c καὶ αὐτὴ πλανᾶται καὶ ταράττεται καὶ εἰλιγγιᾷ ὥσπερ μεθύουσα, ἅτε τοιούτων ἐφαπτομένη.
2 εὐδαίμων γάρ: Here the keynote of the dialogue is struck. Its express object is to show ὡς εἰκότως ἀνὴρ τῷ ὄντι ἐν φιλοσοφιᾳ διατρίψ τὸν βίον θαρρεῖ μέλλων ἀποθανεῖσθαι: and at the very outset we are introduced to Sokrates as a living illustration of his own belief.
3 παρόντι πένθει: ‘as would seem natural for one who was present at a scene of mourning.’ For the two datives compare Phaedrus 234c τῷ λόγῳ λαμβάνοντι, ‘to one who takes a rational view.’
4 ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ: The nearest parallel in Plato to this remarkable phrase seems to be Protagoras 317c καίτοι πολλά γε ἔτη ἤδη εἰμὶ ἐν τῇ τέχνῃ: cf. ibid. 319c, Phaedo 84a, Republic 581e. But in all these passages the phrase expresses devotion to some particular pursuit; not, as here, the occupation of a certain time.
5 Ἀπολλόδωρος: Compare 117d.
6 Πλάτων δὲ: There is but one other passage in which Plato mentions himself, Apology 38b; Πλάτων δὲ ὅδε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ Κρίτων καὶ Κριτόβουλος καὶ Ἀπολλόδωρος κελεύουσί με τριάκοντα μνῶν τιμήσασθαι, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐγγυᾶσθαι. Forster suggests that the present language implies that Plato’s sickness was due to excessive grief. I see nothing however to justify the inference: but doubtless Plato was anxious to explain his absence.
7 (6Φαιδώνδης: I have retained this form on the analogy of other Theban names and on the authority of Xenophon Memorabilia. I ii 48: perhaps too the Theban termination as should be restored.
8 [οὐ] παρεγένοντο: οὐ is not in the best mss. but is inserted by Schanz after Cobet. St. and Z. omit it.
9 ἐν Αἰγίνῃ: This has usually been considered to convey a reproach: see Diogenes Laertius III 36, cf. II 65.


Phaedo, Part 3.

Phaedo: I will try to tell you everything from the beginning. On the previous days |59d| I and the others had always been in the habit of visiting Sokrates. We used to meet at daybreak in the court where the trial took place, for it was near the prison; and every day we used to wait about, talking with each other, until the prison was opened, for it was not opened early; and when it was opened, we went in to Sokrates and passed most of the day with him. On that day we came together earlier; for the day before, |59e| when we left the prison in the evening we heard that the ship had arrived from Delos. So we agreed to come to the usual place as early in the morning as possible. And we came, and the jailer who usually answered the door came out and told us to wait and not go in until he told us. “For,” he said, “the eleven are releasing Sokrates from his fetters and giving directions how he is to die today.” So after a little delay he came and |60a| told us to go in. We went in then and found Sokrates just released from his fetters and Xanthippe—you know her—with his little son in her arms, sitting beside him. Now when Xanthippe saw us, she cried out and said the kind of thing that women always do say: “Oh Sokrates, this is the last time now that your friends will speak to you or you to them.” And Sokrates glanced at Crito and said, “Crito, let somebody take her home.”
—And some of Crito’s people took her away wailing |60b| and beating her breast. But Sokrates sat up on his couch and bent his leg and rubbed it with his hand, and while he was rubbing it, he said, “What a strange thing, my friends, that seems to be which men call pleasure! How wonderfully it is related to that which seems to be its opposite, pain, in that they will not both come to a man at the same time, and yet if he pursues the one and captures it he is generally obliged to take the other also, as if the two were joined together in one head. And I think,” |60c| he said, “if Aesop had thought of them, he would have made a fable telling how they were at war and god wished to reconcile them, and when he could not do that, he fastened their heads together, and for that reason, when one of them comes to anyone, the other follows after. Just so it seems that in my case, after pain was in my leg on account of the fetter, pleasure appears to have come following after.”
  Phaedo 59c-60c, c. iii. On the morning after the return of the sacred vessel from Delos the friends meet earlier than usual at the court-house near the prison. After some delay they are admitted and find Sokrates relieved of his fetters and in company with his wife and child. Xanthippe, unable to control her grief, is led out; and Sokrates chafing his cramped leg falls to moralising on the intimate union of pain and pleasure, which he says would have made a good subject for Aesop.

Φαιδων, Part 3.
Φαίδων: ἐγώ σοι ἐξ ἀρχῆς πάντα πειράσομαι διηγήσασθαι.
|59δ| ἀεὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὰς πρόσθεν ἡμέρας εἰώθεμεν φοιτᾶν καὶ ἐγὼ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι παρὰ τὸν Σωκράτη, συλλεγόμενοι ἕωθεν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον ἐν ᾧ καὶ ἡ δίκη ἐγένετο: πλησίον γὰρ ἦν τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου. περιεμένομεν οὖν ἑκάστοτε ἕως ἀνοιχθείη τὸ δεσμωτήριον, διατρίβοντες μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ἀνεῴγετο γὰρ οὐ πρῴ: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνοιχθείη, εἰσῇμεν παρὰ τὸν Σωκράτη καὶ τὰ πολλὰ διημερεύομεν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. καὶ δὴ καὶ τότε πρῳαίτερον συνελέγημεν: τῇ γὰρ προτεραίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ |59ε| ἐπειδὴ ἐξήλθομεν ἐκ τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου ἑσπέρας, ἐπυθόμεθα ὅτι τὸ πλοῖον ἐκ Δήλου ἀφιγμένον εἴη. παρηγγείλαμεν οὖν ἀλλήλοις ἥκειν ὡς πρῳαίτατα εἰς τὸ εἰωθός. καὶ ἥκομεν καὶ ἡμῖν ἐξελθὼν ὁ θυρωρός, ὅσπερ εἰώθει ὑπακούειν, εἶπεν περιμένειν 1 καὶ μὴ πρότερον παριέναι ἕως ἂν αὐτὸς κελεύσῃ: ‘λύουσι γάρ,’ ἔφη, ‘οἱ ἕνδεκα Σωκράτη καὶ παραγγέλλουσιν 2 ὅπως ἂν τῇδε τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τελευτᾷ.’ οὐ πολὺν δ᾽ οὖν χρόνον ἐπισχὼν ἧκεν καὶ ἐκέλευεν ἡμᾶς εἰσιέναι. εἰσιόντες οὖν
|60α| κατελαμβάνομεν τὸν μὲν Σωκράτη ἄρτι λελυμένον, τὴν δὲ Ξανθίππην—γιγνώσκεις γάρ—ἔχουσάν τε τὸ παιδίον 3 αὐτοῦ καὶ παρακαθημένην. ὡς οὖν εἶδεν ἡμᾶς ἡ Ξανθίππη, ἀνηυφήμησέ τε καὶ τοιαῦτ᾽ ἄττα εἶπεν, οἷα δὴ εἰώθασιν αἱ γυναῖκες, ὅτι ‘ὦ Σώκρατες, ὕστατον δή σε προσεροῦσι νῦν οἱ ἐπιτήδειοι καὶ σὺ τούτους.’ καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης βλέψας εἰς τὸν Κρίτωνα, ‘ὦ Κρίτων,’ ἔφη, ‘ἀπαγέτω τις αὐτὴν οἴκαδε.’
—καὶ ἐκείνην μὲν ἀπῆγόν τινες τῶν τοῦ Κρίτωνος βοῶσάν |60b| τε καὶ κοπτομένην: ὁ δὲ Σωκράτης ἀνακαθιζόμενος εἰς τὴν κλίνην συνέκαμψέ τε τὸ σκέλος καὶ ἐξέτριψε τῇ χειρί, καὶ τρίβων ἅμα, ὡς ἄτοπον, ἔφη, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἔοικέ τι εἶναι τοῦτο ὃ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἡδύ: ὡς θαυμασίως πέφυκε πρὸς τὸ δοκοῦν ἐναντίον εἶναι, τὸ λυπηρόν, τὸ ἅμα μὲν 4 αὐτὼ μὴ ‘θέλειν παραγίγνεσθαι τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, ἐὰν δέ τις διώκῃ τὸ ἕτερον καὶ λαμβάνῃ, σχεδόν τι ἀναγκάζεσθαι ἀεὶ λαμβάνειν καὶ τὸ ἕτερον, ὥσπερ ἐκ μιᾶς κορυφῆς ἡμμένω |60ξ| δύ᾽ ὄντε. καί μοι δοκεῖ, ἔφη, εἰ ἐνενόησεν αὐτὰ Αἴσωπος, 5 μῦθον ἂν συνθεῖναι ὡς ὁ θεὸς βουλόμενος αὐτὰ διαλλάξαι πολεμοῦντα, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἐδύνατο, συνῆψεν εἰς ταὐτὸν αὐτοῖς τὰς κορυφάς, καὶ διὰ ταῦτα ᾧ ἂν τὸ ἕτερον παραγένηται ἐπακολουθεῖ ὕστερον 6 καὶ τὸ ἕτερον. ὥσπερ οὖν καὶ αὐτῷ μοι ἔοικεν: ἐπειδὴ ὑπὸ τοῦ δεσμοῦ ἦν ἐν τῷ σκέλει τὸ ἀλγεινόν, ἥκειν δὴ φαίνεται ἐπακολουθοῦν τὸ ἡδύ.

1 περιμένειν: This reading seems to me certainly right. Bonitz, quoted by Wohlrab, accurately distinguishes between the usages of περιμένειν and ἐπιμένειν in Plato: the former means ‘to await,’ the latter ‘to remain’ in a given condition. Cf. below 80c, and Theaetetus 179e. So far as I am aware, the nearest approach of ἐπιμένειν to the meaning of περιμένειν is in Republic 361d-e ὄντοιν δὲ τοιούτοιν, οὐδὲν ἔτι, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, χαλεπὸν ἐπεξελθεῖν τῷ λόγῳ οἷος ἑκάτερον βίος ἐπιμένει. If ἐπιμένειν be read with Hermann, we should translate: ‘he bade us stay where we were and not come in until he summoned us.’
2 παραγγέλλουσιν: I agree with Prof. Geddes in taking these words: ‘are giving directions that he may be put to death today’; the directions being given to the officers of the prison. If, as is usually done, we take Sokrates to be the object of παραγγέλλουσιν, the clause ὅπως ἂν τῇδε τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τελευτᾷ becomes nonsense. Wohlrab (in his Latin edition) has a note which is utterly beyond my comprehension.
3 τὸ παιδίον: no doubt his youngest son Menexenos.
4 τὸ ἅμα μὲν: The usual reading is τῷ, and this is confirmed by Stobaeus, who cites this passage, Eclogue I 1104. This would = by refusing. But τὸ is found in the Bodleian and two other mss. and is abundantly justified by Riddell, Digest of Idioms 85. I have therefore followed Schanz in retaining it. ‘How wondrous is the relation between pleasure and its seeming contrary, pain; that the pair will never come to a man together.’
5 Αἴσωπος: It is worthwhile here to notice the consummate skill with which Plato allows the dialogue to unfold itself as in the natural course of conversation. By this simple reference to Aesop Kebes is reminded that Euenos was anxious to know what was the object of Sokrates in versifying the fables of Aesop. In answering the question Sokrates sends a kindly message to Euenos and bids him follow to Hades as soon as he may. The surprise of Simmias at this message draws from Sokrates an expression of his belief that the true philosopher will meet death gladly in the hope of being happier in Hades than on earth; and in support of this opinion, as we shall see, the whole argument that occupies the remainder of the dialogue is evolved.
6 ἐπακολουθεῖ ὕστερον: In these observations of Sokrates we may find the germ of the Platonic theory of pleasure as a κατάστασις. See for instance Timaeus 64c-d τὸ μὲν παρὰ φύσιν καὶ βίαιον γιγνόμενον ἁθρόον παρ’ ἡμῖν πάθος ἀλγεινόν, τὸ δ’ εἰς φύσιν ἀπιὸν πάλιν ἁθρόον ἡδύ. Cf. Philebus 31d etc. The καθαραὶ ἡδοναὶ are exceptions, Philebus 51b; but, so far as concerns physical pleasures, only apparent exceptions, Timaeus 65a.


Phaedo, Part 4.

Phaedo: Here Kebes interrupted and said, “By Zeus, Sokrates, I am glad you reminded me. |60d| Several others have asked about the poems you have composed, the metrical versions of Aesop’s fables and the hymn to Apollo, and Evenus asked me the day before yesterday why you never wrote any poetry before, composed these verses after you came to prison. Now, if you care that I should be able to answer Evenus when he asks me again—and I know he will ask me—tell me what to say.”
—“Then tell him, Kebes,” said he, “the truth, that I composed these verses not because I wished to rival him or his poems, |60e| for I knew that would not be easy, but because I wished to test the meaning of certain dreams, and to make sure that I was neglecting no duty in case their repeated commands meant that I must cultivate the Muses in this way. They were something like this. The same dream came to me often in my past life, sometimes in one form and sometimes in another, but always saying the same thing: ‘Sokrates,’ it said, ‘make music and work at it.’ And I formerly thought it was urging and encouraging me |61a| to do what I was doing already and that just as people encourage runners by cheering, so the dream was encouraging me to do what I was doing, that is, to make music, because philosophy was the greatest kind of music and I was working at that. But now, after the trial and while the festival of the god delayed my execution, I thought, in case the repeated dream really meant to tell me to make this which is ordinarily called music, I ought to do so and not to disobey. For I thought it was safer not to go hence |61b| before making sure that I had done what I ought, by obeying the dream and composing verses. So first I composed a hymn to the god whose festival it was; and after the god, considering that a poet, if he is really to be a poet, must compose myths and not speeches, since I was not a maker of myths, I took the myths of Aesop, which I had at hand and knew, and turned into verse the first I came upon.
  Phaedo 60d-61c, cc. iv, v. Kebes: This reminds me that Euenos and others desire to know what led you to compose verses during your confinement in prison? Sokrates: It was not with any thought of rivaling Euenos as a poet, but because I have been frequently warned in a dream to practise ‘music.’ This I always understood as an encouragement to persevere with philosophy; but in case music in the popular sense might be meant, I thought it well to be on the safe side. So I took the fables of Aesop, because I knew them best, and turned them into verse. Tell this to Euenos and bid him farewell and follow me as soon as he can.

Φαιδων, Part 4.

—ὁ οὖν Κέβης ὑπολαβών, νὴ τὸν Δία, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη, εὖ γ᾽ ἐποίησας ἀναμνήσας με. περὶ γάρ τοι τῶν |60δ| ποιημάτων ὧν πεποίηκας ἐντείνας 1 τοὺς τοῦ Αἰσώπου λόγους καὶ τὸ εἰς τὸν Ἀπόλλω προοίμιον 2 καὶ ἄλλοι τινές με ἤδη ἤροντο, ἀτὰρ καὶ Εὔηνος 3 πρῴην, ὅτι ποτὲ διανοηθείς, ἐπειδὴ δεῦρο ἦλθες, ἐποίησας αὐτά, πρότερον οὐδὲν πώποτε ποιήσας. εἰ οὖν τί σοι μέλει τοῦ ἔχειν ἐμὲ Εὐήνῳ ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅταν με αὖθις ἐρωτᾷ—εὖ οἶδα γὰρ ὅτι ἐρήσεται—εἰπὲ τί χρὴ λέγειν.
—λέγε τοίνυν, ἔφη, αὐτῷ, ὦ Κέβης, τἀληθῆ, ὅτι οὐκ ἐκείνῳ βουλόμενος οὐδὲ τοῖς ποιήμασιν αὐτοῦ ἀντίτεχνος |60ε| εἶναι ἐποίησα ταῦτα—ᾔδη γὰρ ὡς οὐ ῥᾴδιον 4 εἴη—ἀλλ᾽ ἐνυπνίων τινῶν ἀποπειρώμενος τί λέγοι, καὶ ἀφοσιούμενος εἰ ἄρα πολλάκις 5 ταύτην τὴν μουσικήν μοι ἐπιτάττοι ποιεῖν. ἦν γὰρ δὴ ἄττα τοιάδε: πολλάκις μοι φοιτῶν τὸ αὐτὸ ἐνύπνιον ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι βίῳ, ἄλλοτ᾽ ἐν ἄλλῃ ὄψει φαινόμενον, τὰ αὐτὰ δὲ λέγον, ‘ὦ Σώκρατες,’ ἔφη, ‘μουσικὴν ποίει καὶ ἐργάζου.’ καὶ ἐγὼ ἔν γε τῷ πρόσθεν χρόνῳ ὅπερ ἔπραττον τοῦτο ὑπελάμβανον αὐτό μοι παρακελεύεσθαί τε |61α| καὶ ἐπικελεύειν, 6 ὥσπερ οἱ τοῖς θέουσι διακελευόμενοι, καὶ ἐμοὶ οὕτω τὸ ἐνύπνιον ὅπερ ἔπραττον τοῦτο ἐπικελεύειν, μουσικὴν ποιεῖν, ὡς φιλοσοφίας μὲν οὔσης μεγίστης μουσικῆς, 7 ἐμοῦ δὲ τοῦτο πράττοντος. ῦν δ᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἥ τε δίκη ἐγένετο καὶ ἡ τοῦ θεοῦ ἑορτὴ διεκώλυέ με ἀποθνῄσκειν, ἔδοξε χρῆναι, εἰ ἄρα πολλάκις μοι προστάττοι τὸ ἐνύπνιον ταύτην τὴν δημώδη μουσικὴν 8 ποιεῖν, μὴ ἀπειθῆσαι αὐτῷ ἀλλὰ ποιεῖν: ἀσφαλέστερον γὰρ εἶναι μὴ ἀπιέναι πρὶν ἀφοσιώσασθαι 9 |61b| ποιήσαντα ποιήματα καὶ πιθόμενον 10 τῷ ἐνυπνίῳ. οὕτω δὴ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς τὸν θεὸν 11 ἐποίησα οὗ ἦν ἡ παροῦσα θυσία: μετὰ δὲ τὸν θεόν, ἐννοήσας ὅτι τὸν ποιητὴν δέοι, εἴπερ μέλλοι ποιητὴς εἶναι, ποιεῖν μύθους ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λόγους, 12 καὶ αὐτὸς οὐκ ἦ μυθολογικός, διὰ ταῦτα δὴ οὓς προχείρους εἶχον 13 μύθους καὶ ἠπιστάμην τοὺς Αἰσώπου, τούτων ἐποίησα οἷς πρώτοις ἐνέτυχον.

1 ἐντείνας: ‘putting into verse.’ The term is used of setting words to music, Protagoras 326b; of putting thought into words, Philebus 38e. The last example seems to me conclusive that the notion of the word is not, as Prof. Geddes considers, derived from stretching a string, but implies fixing in a certain form or position. Cf. Meno 87a, where it is used of inscribing a triangle in a circle.
2 προοίμιον: This word is applied by Thucydides, in III 104, to the Homeric hymn to Apollo: such προοίμια were strictly speaking preludes either to a longer poem (οἴμη) or to a religious celebration. Specimens of verses attributed to Sokrates are to be found in Diogenes Laertius II 42.
3 Εὔηνος: Euenos of Paros was a sophist and poet. From Apology 20b we learn that he taught ἀρετὴ for five minas; from Phaedrus 267a that he was the inventor of new rhetorical figures: τὸν δὲ κάλλιστον Πάριον Εὐηνὸν ἐς μέσον οὐκ ἄγομεν, ὃς ὑποδήλωσίν τε πρῶτος ηὗρεν καὶ παρεπαίνους—οἱ δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ παραψόγους φασὶν ἐν μέτρῳ λέγειν μνήμης χάριν—σοφὸς γὰρ ἁνήρ: where see Dr. Thompson’s note. From both passages we may infer that Plato did not think much of him. The few fragments that remain of his elegiac poems are given in Bergk’s poctae lyrici. Bergk however remarks ‘quae hic unius Eueni nomine comprehendi, rectius duobus attribui videntur’; and the other epigrams, chiefly erotic, given in the Anthology under the name Euenos, are undoubtedly the work of different authors.
4 ὡς οὐ ῥᾴδιον: After ὡς BD give ὅτι, which Schanz brackets and I omit.
5 εἰ πολλάκις: ‘if perchance’; as in 61a.
6 παρακελεύεσθαί τε καὶ ἐπικελεύειν: ‘to urge and cheer me on.’ Each of the three compounds used by Plato in this passage has its distinct shade of meaning. παρακελεύεσθαί, which is the term frequently applied by Thucydides to a general’s address to his soldiers, means ‘urge to make an effort’; ἐπικελεύειν, which is a much rarer word and occurs nowhere else in Plato, ‘encourage while the effort is being made’; as in Euripides Electra 1224. In διακελευόμενοι, the preposition has a distributive force: ‘as the partisans of different runners cheer on their favourites.’ Cf. Herodotus IX 5 διακελευσαμένη δὲ γυνὴ γυναικὶ.
7 ὡς φιλοσοφίας μὲν οὔσης μεγίστης μουσικῆς: Wagner well quotes Laches 188c following. See also Laws 689d ἡ καλλίστη καὶ μεγίστη τῶν συμφωνιῶν μεγίστη δικαιότατ᾽ ἂν λέγοιτο σοφία. Cf. Republic 411c following, 548b-c διὰ τὸ τῆς ἀληθινῆς Μούσης τῆς μετὰ λόγων 548c τε καὶ φιλοσοφίας ἠμεληκέναι.
8 τὴν δημώδη μουσικὴν: in the ordinary Greek sense of artistic and literary culture; whereas Sokrates understood by μουσικὴ the philosophic life.
9 ἀφοσιώσασθαι: ‘to satisfy my conscience.’ This anecdote well displays the simply religious character of Sokrates not without a tinge of superstition. ἀφοσιώσασθαι is to clear oneself from all taint of impiety; cf. Phaedrus 242c; Philebus 12b ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἀφοσιοῦμαι, ‘I wash my hands of it.’
10 καὶ πιθόμενον: Schanz brackets καὶ.
11 εἰς τὸν θεὸν: Another mark of Sokrates’ old-fashioned piety. Prof. Geddes has some interesting remarks on the special connexion between Sokrates and Apollo, cf. 85a. I cannot however agree with his suggestion that the προοίμιον was a thanksgiving for the thirty days reprieve; which would be totally inconsistent with the attitude of Sokrates in the face of death: cf. 116e.
12 μύθους ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λόγους: ‘fiction and not fact.’ This distinction is established by Gorgias 523a, ἄκουε δή, φασί, μάλα καλοῦ λόγου, ὃν σὺ μὲν ἡγήσῃ μῦθον, ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι, ἐγὼ δὲ λόγον: ὡς ἀληθῆ γὰρ ὄντα σοι λέξω ἃ μέλλω λέγειν; then follows the myth about the judgment of souls; cf. Laws 872d. μῶθος is defined by Aphthonios, quoted by Wyttenbach, as λόγος ψευδὴς εἰκονίζων ἀλήθειαν. Plutarch, De Gloria Atheniensium 4, says that Pindar was rebuked by Korinna, ὡς ἄμουσον ὄντα μὴ ποιοῦντα μύθους, ὃ τῆς ποιητικῆς ἔργον εἶναι συμβέβηκε {his writing lacked refinement, since he did not introduce myths, which are the proper business of poetry, but used as a foundation for his work unusual and obsolete words, extensions of meaning, paraphrases, lyrics and rhythms, which are mere embellishments}; further on he says ὁ δὲ μῦθος εἶναι βούλεται λόγος, ψευδὴς ἐοικὼς ἀληθινῷ {a myth aims at being a false tale, resembling a true one}. Compare Aristotle’s distinction between ἱστορία and ποίησις, Poetica 1451b 4, τούτῳ διαφέρει, τῷ τὸν μὲν τὰ γενόμενα λέγειν, τὸν δὲ οἷα ἂν γένοιτο. Of course λόγος in its wider sense includes μῶθος, as we have in 60d τοὺς τοῦ Αἰσώπου λόγους.
13 οὓς προχείρους εἶχον: i.e. in his memory; there is no evidence that the fables of Aesop had been published in writing up to this time. Aesop is said to have been a contemporary of Solon; and the story of his death is told by Plutarch, De Sera Numinis Vindicta §12: there is also an allusion to it in Herodotus II 134.


Phaedo, Part 5.

Phaedo: “So tell Evenus that, Kebes, and bid him farewell, and tell him, if he is wise, to come after me as quickly as he can. |61c| I, it seems, am going today; for that is the order of the Athenians.”
—And Simmias said, “What a message that is, Sokrates, for Evenus! I have met him often, and from what I have seen of him, I should say that he will not take your advice in the least if he can help it.”
—“Why so?” said he. “Is not Evenus a philosopher?”
—“I think so,” said Simmias.
—“Then Evenus will take my advice, and so will every man who has any worthy interest in philosophy. Perhaps, however, he will not take his own life, for they say that is not permitted.”
|61d| And as he spoke he put his feet down on the ground and remained sitting in this way through the rest of the conversation.
—Then Kebes asked him: “What do you mean by this, Sokrates, that it is not permitted to take one’s life, but that the philosopher would desire to follow after the dying?”
—“How is this, Kebes? Have you and Simmias, who are pupils of Philolaus, not heard about such things?”
—“Nothing definite, Sokrates.”
—“I myself speak of them only from hearsay; but I have no objection to telling what I have heard. And indeed it is perhaps especially fitting, |61e| as I am going to the other world, to tell stories about the life there and consider what we think about it; for what else could one do in the time between now and sunset?”
  Phaedo 61c-62c, cc. v, vi. Simmias: Euenos is not likely to take such advice as that. Sokrates: Yes he is, if he is a real philosopher; not that he ought to take his own life. Kebes: This seems inconsistent; you first say that the philosopher will be glad to die, and then that he may not kill himself: why may he not? Sokrates: I only know what I have been told. According to one account we are in custody here and may not make our escape. This is a hard saying; but there is a more obvious reason, that we are the property of the gods, who are as justly indignant if we destroy ourselves as you would be, should one of your slaves do so.

Φαιδων, Part 5.

—ταῦτα οὖν, ὦ Κέβης, Εὐήνῳ φράζε, καὶ ἐρρῶσθαι καί, ἂν σωφρονῇ, ἐμὲ διώκειν ὡς τάχιστα. 1
|61ξ| ἄπειμι δέ, ὡς ἔοικε, τήμερον: κελεύουσι γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι. καὶ ὁ Σιμμίας, οἷον παρακελεύῃ, ἔφη, τοῦτο, ὦ Σώκρατες, Εὐήνῳ. πολλὰ γὰρ ἤδη ἐντετύχηκα τῷ ἀνδρί: σχεδὸν οὖν ἐξ ὧν ἐγὼ ᾔσθημαι οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν σοι ἑκὼν εἶναι πείσεται.
—τί δέ; ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, οὐ φιλόσοφος Εὔηνος;
—ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας.
—ἐθελήσει τοίνυν καὶ Εὔηνος καὶ πᾶς ὅτῳ ἀξίως τούτου τοῦ πράγματος 2 μέτεστιν. οὐ μέντοι ἴσως βιάσεται αὑτόν: οὐ γάρ φασι 3 θεμιτὸν εἶναι. καὶ ἅμα λέγων ταῦτα καθῆκε |61δ| τὰ σκέλη ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, καὶ καθεζόμενος οὕτως ἤδη τὰ λοιπὰ διελέγετο.
—ἤρετο οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ Κέβης: πῶς τοῦτο λέγεις, ὦ Σώκρατες, τὸ μὴ θεμιτὸν εἶναι ἑαυτὸν βιάζεσθαι, ἐθέλειν δ᾽ ἂν τῷ ἀποθνῄσκοντι τὸν φιλόσοφον ἕπεσθαι;
—τί δέ, ὦ Κέβης; οὐκ ἀκηκόατε σύ τε καὶ Σιμμίας περὶ τῶν τοιούτων Φιλολάῳ 4 συγγεγονότες;
—οὐδέν γε σαφές, 5 ὦ Σώκρατες.
—ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐγὼ ἐξ ἀκοῆς περὶ αὐτῶν λέγω: ἃ μὲν οὖν τυγχάνω ἀκηκοὼς φθόνος οὐδεὶς λέγειν. καὶ γὰρ ἴσως |61ε| καὶ μάλιστα πρέπει μέλλοντα ἐκεῖσε ἀποδημεῖν διασκοπεῖν τε καὶ μυθολογεῖν 6 περὶ τῆς ἀποδημίας τῆς ἐκεῖ, 7 ποίαν τινὰ αὐτὴν οἰόμεθα εἶναι: τί γὰρ ἄν τις καὶ ποιοῖ ἄλλο ἐν τῷ μέχρι ἡλίου δυσμῶν 8 χρόνῳ;

1 ἐμὲ διώκειν ὡς τάχιστα: This injunction must be considered as modified by the proviso added below, οὐ μέντοι ἴσως βιάσεται αὑτόν. Schmidt finds a ‘dilogia’ in the words, and Prof. Geddes takes the same view. But it appears to me that such a premature reference to the μελέτη θανάτου is thoroughly unplatonic. It is futile to omit the words ὡς τάχιστα with Heindorf; in any case they must be implied, else we make Sokrates give Euenos the superfluous advice to die some time or other.
2 τούτου τοῦ πράγματος: Sc. φιλοςοφίας.
3 οὐ γάρ φασι: It is worthy of note that the whole of this rather superficial reasoning against suicide, which is quite outside the main argument of the dialogue, is carefully and repeatedly marked as secondhand. It seems as if Plato wished to avoid any prejudice and misrepresentation which his panegyric of death might bring upon him; while his slight and rapid treatment of this subject would show that he did not feel strongly upon it. That he did not in all cases disapprove suicide is certain: cf. Laws 854c καὶ ἐὰν μέν σοι δρῶντι ταῦτα λωφᾷ τι τὸ νόσημα: εἰ δὲ μή, καλλίω θάνατον σκεψάμενος ἀπαλλάττου τοῦ βίου. Also 873c-d ὃς ἂν ἑαυτὸν κτείνῃ, τὴν τῆς εἱμαρμένης βίᾳ ἀποστερῶν μοῖραν, μήτε πόλεως ταξάσης δίκῃ, μήτε περιωδύνῳ ἀφύκτῳ προσπεσούσῃ τύχῃ ἀναγκασθείς, μηδὲ αἰσχύνης τινὸς ἀπόρου καὶ ἀβίου μεταλαχών, ἀργίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀνανδρίας δειλίᾳ ἑαυτῷ δίκην ἄδικον ἐπιθῇ.
4 φιλολάῳ: From this it is evident that Philolaos spent some time at Thebes, where Kebes and Simmias attended his lectures. We have absolutely no authentic information about the life of this eminent Pythagorean; and the genuineness of the fragments ascribed to him has, I think, been once for all disposed of by Mr. Bywater, Journal of Philology vol. I p. 21 following.
5 οὐδέν γε σαφές: ἔθος ἦν τοῖς Πυθαγορείοις δι΄ αἰνιγμά λέγειν, says Olympiodoros, whom the editors all repeat. I think Plato’s meaning is that the arguments of Philolaos against suicide were not conclusive enough to satisfy the πραγματεία of Kebes.
6 διασκοπεῖν τε καὶ μυθολογεῖν: This is an accurate description of the conversation that is to come: when reason has done all she can, fancy comes to her aid with a myth.
7 τῆς ἐκεῖ: Schanz brackets these words: Hirschig proposes ἐκεῖσε.
8 μέχρι ἡλίου δυσμῶν: before which execution was not legal; cf. 116e.


Phaedo, Part 6.

—“Why in the world do they say that it is not permitted to kill oneself, Sokrates? I heard Philolaus, when he was living in our city, say the same thing you just said, and I have heard it from others, too, that one must not do this; but I never heard anyone say |62a| anything definite about it.”
—“You must have courage,” said he, “and perhaps you might hear something. But perhaps it will seem strange to you that this alone of all laws is without exception, and it never happens to mankind, as in other matters, that only at some times and for some persons it is better to die than to live; and it will perhaps seem strange to you that these human beings for whom it is better to die cannot without impiety do good to themselves, but must wait for some other benefactor.”
—And Kebes, smiling gently, said, “Gawd knows it doos,” speaking in his own dialect.
—“It would seem unreasonable, if put in this way,” said Sokrates, |62b| “but perhaps there is some reason in it. Now the doctrine that is taught in secret about this matter, that we men are in a kind of prison and must not set ourselves free or run away, seems to me to be weighty and not easy to understand. But this at least, Kebes, I do believe is sound, that the gods are our guardians and that we men are one of the chattels of the gods. Do you not believe this?”
—“Yes,” said Kebes, |62c| “I do.”
—“Well then,” said he, “if one of your chattels should kill itself when you had not indicated that you wished it to die, would you be angry with it and punish it if you could?”
—“Certainly,” he replied.
—“Then perhaps from this point of view it is not unreasonable to say that a man must not kill himself until god sends some necessity upon him, such as has now come upon me.”

Φαιδων, Part 6.

—κατὰ τί δὴ οὖν ποτε οὔ φασι θεμιτὸν εἶναι αὐτὸν ἑαυτὸν ἀποκτεινύναι, ὦ Σώκρατες; ἤδη γὰρ ἔγωγε, ὅπερ νυνδὴ σὺ ἤρου, καὶ Φιλολάου ἤκουσα, ὅτε παρ᾽ ἡμῖν διῃτᾶτο, ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν, ὡς οὐ δέοι τοῦτο ποιεῖν: σαφὲς δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν οὐδενὸς πώποτε οὐδὲν ἀκήκοα.
|62α| ἀλλὰ προθυμεῖσθαι χρή, ἔφη: τάχα γὰρ ἂν καὶ ἀκούσαις. ἴσως μέντοι θαυμαστόν σοι φανεῖται εἰ τοῦτο μόνον 1 τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ἁπλοῦν ἐστιν, καὶ οὐδέποτε τυγχάνει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, ὥσπερ καὶ τἆλλα, ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ οἷς βέλτιον ὂν τεθνάναι ἢ ζῆν, οἷς δὲ βέλτιον τεθνάναι, θαυμαστὸν ἴσως σοι φαίνεται εἰ τούτοις τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ ὅσιον 2 αὐτοὺς ἑαυτοὺς εὖ ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ ἄλλον δεῖ περιμένειν εὐεργέτην.
—καὶ ὁ Κέβης ἠρέμα ἐπιγελάσας, Ἴττω Ζεύς, 3 ἔφη, τῇ αὑτοῦ φωνῇ εἰπών.
|62b| καὶ γὰρ ἂν δόξειεν, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, οὕτω γ᾽ εἶναι ἄλογον: οὐ μέντοι ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως γ᾽ ἔχει τινὰ λόγον. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἐν ἀπορρήτοις 4 λεγόμενος περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος, ὡς ἔν τινι φρουρᾷ 5 ἐσμεν οἱ ἄνθρωποι καὶ οὐ δεῖ δὴ ἑαυτὸν ἐκ ταύτης λύειν οὐδ᾽ ἀποδιδράσκειν, μέγας τέ τίς μοι φαίνεται καὶ οὐ ῥᾴδιος διιδεῖν: 6 οὐ μέντοι ἀλλὰ τόδε γέ μοι δοκεῖ, ὦ Κέβης, εὖ λέγεσθαι, τὸ θεοὺς εἶναι ἡμῶν τοὺς ἐπιμελουμένους καὶ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἓν τῶν κτημάτων 7 τοῖς θεοῖς εἶναι. ἢ σοὶ οὐ δοκεῖ οὕτως;
—ἔμοιγε, φησὶν ὁ Κέβης. |62ξ| οὐκοῦν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, καὶ σὺ ἂν τῶν σαυτοῦ κτημάτων εἴ τι αὐτὸ ἑαυτὸ ἀποκτεινύοι, μὴ σημήναντός σου ὅτι βούλει αὐτὸ τεθνάναι, χαλεπαίνοις ἂν αὐτῷ καί, εἴ τινα ἔχοις τιμωρίαν, τιμωροῖο ἄν;
—πάνυ γ᾽, ἔφη.
—ἴσως τοίνυν ταύτῃ οὐκ ἄλογον μὴ πρότερον αὑτὸν ἀποκτεινύναι δεῖν, πρὶν ἀνάγκην 8 τινὰ θεὸς ἐπιπέμψῃ, ὥσπερ καὶ τὴν νῦν ἡμῖν παροῦσαν.

1 εἰ τοῦτο μόνον: Of this locus vexatus I shall first give my own interpretation before mentioning other views that are held upon it. I accept the text precisely as it stands without alteration or omission. The first thing to be done is to fix the meaning of τοῦτο. It can hardly be doubted that τοῦτο means here exactly what it does in 62c, ἀλλ᾽ εἰκός, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, τοῦτό γε φαίνεται: where the context clearly requires that τοῦτο = μὴ θεμιτὸν εἶναι ἑαυτὸν ἀποκτιννύναι. Taking it in that sense here I should translate: ‘perhaps you will be surprised if this question alone of all admits a simple answer—if the same thing does not happen to man in this as in all other cases; I mean that to some men at some time death is better than life: and for whom death is better, you will perhaps think it strange that they may not do themselves a good turn but must wait for some other helper.’ I conceive the clause καὶ οὐδέποτε…ζῆν to show how it is that the question is not ἁπλοῦν. Unless death were sometimes better than life the question whether suicide were sometimes lawful would never be raised, for no one would dream of committing it. ὥσπερ καὶ τἆλλα, i.e. as in other cases either of two opposites may be better according to circumstances. The whole sentence amounts to this: you will think it strange if in the case of suicide we can lay down an invariable rule; that there are no persons for whom it is better to die than live; and if there are, that they may not release themselves from life.
  Mr. Jackson, in a paper read before the Cambridge Philological Society Dec. 1, 1881, has a most searching examination of this passage. Understanding τοῦτό as I do, he is of opinion that the clauses καὶ οὐδέποτε…ζῆν and θαυμαστὸν ἴσως…ἀνθρώποις are interpolations. My interpretation, which differs from all those that he criticises, seems to me to meet many of his objections; and though I am far from affirming that he may not be right in rejecting these words, I am loth to do so when I believe they afford a reasonable sense. As regards certain phrases to which he objects, I think οὐδέποτε is simply in antithesis to ἔστιν ὅτε; and may we not with Mr. Cope translate τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ‘mankind,’ a universal expression which is afterwards qualified by ἐστιν οἷς?
  Prof. Geddes has an elaborate note, but I am entirely unable to agree with his view. He seems to regard καὶ οὐδέποτε as beginning an independent sentence. There is no difficulty about οὐ after θαὐμάσιον ἴσως σοι φαίνεται εἰ, cf. 97a.
  Schanz places a full stop after τἆλλα and inserts ἆλλα before ἐστιν. If the text is to be altered, I should prefer Mr. Jackson’s plan.
2 μὴ ὅσιον: Z. and St. add ἔστιν, which is wanting in B pr. m.
3 Ἴττω Ζεύς: This little provincialism was doubtless a favourite mode of emphasis with Kebes, and well known to his friends as characteristic.
4 ἐν ἀπορρήτοις: The ancient commentators explain that the Orphic traditions are meant. This seems more probable than any reference to the Eleusinian mysteries.
5 ἔν τινι φρουρᾷ: ‘in ward.’ We might translate ‘on a sort of garrison duty,’ following Cicero, Cato maior 20: vetatque Pythagoras iniussu imperatoris, id est dei, de praesidio et statione vitae decedere. But the common Pythagorean notion was that the body is the soul’s prison, whence she may not come forth until her term is fulfilled: compare Athenaeus IV xlv 157 c {In answer to her Carneius said: “Euxitheus the Pythagorean, Nicion, as the Peripatetic Clearchus tells us in the second book of his Lives, was wont to say that the souls of all beings are imprisoned in the body and in this hither life as a punishment, and that the god has ordained that if they refuse to abide in these until he of his own will releases them, they will then be plunged in more and greater torments. Wherefore all persons, dreading the violence of the higher powers, are afraid to depart from this life of their own motion, and gladly welcome only the death which comes in old age, being persuaded that this release of their souls comes with the approval of the higher powers. To these principles we ourselves subscribe.”}. Cf. Phaedrus 250c, with Dr Thompson’s note; Cratylus 400c, Gorgias 493a.
6 οὐ ῥᾴδιος διιδεῖν: ‘not easy to see through.’ Sokratic εἰρωνεία {irony}: evidently he does not think this theory worth much. Olympiodoros, with perhaps unconscious sarcasm, observes ἀνάδκη οὖν μῦσαι τὸν μέλλοντα θεάσασθαι αὐτόν.
7 ἓν τῶν κτημάτων: Cf. Laws 906a ξύμμαχοι δὲ ἡμῖν θεοί τε ἅμα καὶ δαίμονες: also 902b. Elsewhere man is called the plaything of the gods: Laws 803c ἄνθρωπον δέ, ὅπερ εἴπομεν ἔμπροσθεν (644d-e), θεοῦ τι παίγνιον εἶναι μεμηχανημένον, καὶ ὄντως τοῦτο αὐτοῦ τὸ βέλτιστον γεγονέναι.
8 πρὶν ἀνάγκην: Although ἀν may very easily have dropped out before ἀνάγκην, I have not thought proper to insert it against all the mss. I am not satisfied that Plato could not write πρὶν alone with the subjunctive; and in Timaeus 57β it is not easy to account for the loss of ἂν: λυόμενα οὐ παύεται, πρὶν ἢ παντάπασιν ὠθούμενα καὶ διαλυθέντα ἐκφύγῃ πρὸς τὸ συγγενές, ἢ νικηθέντα, ἓν ἐκ πολλῶν ὅμοιον τῷ κρατήσαντι γενόμενον, αὐτοῦ σύνοικον μείνῃ. Cf. Laws 873a.


Phaedo, Part 7.

—“That,” said Kebes, “seems sensible. But what you said just now, Sokrates, that philosophers ought to be ready and willing to die, that seems |62d| strange if we were right just now in saying that god is our guardian and we are his possessions. For it is not reasonable that the wisest men should not be troubled when they leave that service in which the gods, who are the best overseers in the world, are watching over them. A wise man certainly does not think that when he is free he can take better care of himself than they do. A foolish man might perhaps think so, that he ought to run away from his master, |62e| and he would not consider that he must not run away from a good master, but ought to stay with him as long as possible; and so he might thoughtlessly run away; but a man of sense would wish to be always with one who is better than himself. And yet, Sokrates, if we look at it in this way, the contrary of what we just said seems natural; for the wise ought to be troubled at dying and the foolish to rejoice.”
—When Sokrates heard this |63a| I thought he was pleased by Kebes’ earnestness, and glancing at us, he said, “Kebes is always on the track of arguments and will not be easily convinced by whatever anyone says.”
—And Simmias said, “Well, Sokrates, this time I think myself that Kebes is right. For why should really wise men run away from masters who are better than they and lightly separate themselves from them? And it strikes me that Kebes is aiming his argument at you, because you are so ready to leave us and the gods, who are, as |63b| you yourself agree, good rulers.”
—“You have a right to say that,” he replied; “for I think you mean that I must defend myself against this accusation, as if we were in a law court.”
—“Precisely,” said Simmias.
  Phaedo 62c-63e, cc. vii, viii. If this be so, replies Kebes, it seems inconsistent to say that the wise man will be glad to die. For only a fool would desire to run away from wise and good masters and guardians, such as the gods are to us. To this Simmias agrees, and upbraids Sokrates for being too ready to leave his friends. Well then, answers Sokrates, since I am thus arraigned, I must try to defend myself before you more persuasively than I did before the jury. As he is beginning his defence he is interrupted by Kriton: the attendant, says he, has been warning me that talking is apt to hinder the operation of the poison. Never mind, replies Sokrates; only let him be prepared to repeat the potion as often as may be required.

Φαιδων, Part 7.

—ἀλλ᾽ εἰκός, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, τοῦτό γε φαίνεται. ὃ μέντοι νυνδὴ ἔλεγες, τὸ τοὺς φιλοσόφους ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἐθέλειν
|62δ| ἀποθνῄσκειν, ἔοικεν τοῦτο, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀτόπῳ, εἴπερ ὃ νυνδὴ ἐλέγομεν εὐλόγως ἔχει, τὸ θεόν τε εἶναι 1 τὸν ἐπιμελούμενον ἡμῶν καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκείνου κτήματα εἶναι. τὸ γὰρ μὴ ἀγανακτεῖν τοὺς φρονιμωτάτους ἐκ ταύτης τῆς θεραπείας ἀπιόντας, ἐν ᾗ ἐπιστατοῦσιν αὐτῶν οἵπερ ἄριστοί εἰσιν τῶν ὄντων ἐπιστάται, θεοί, οὐκ ἔχει λόγον: οὐ γάρ που αὐτός γε αὑτοῦ οἴεται ἄμεινον ἐπιμελήσεσθαι ἐλεύθερος γενόμενος. ἀλλ᾽ ἀνόητος μὲν ἄνθρωπος τάχ᾽ ἂν οἰηθείη ταῦτα, φευκτέον |62ε| εἶναι ἀπὸ τοῦ δεσπότου, 2 καὶ οὐκ ἂν λογίζοιτο ὅτι οὐ δεῖ ἀπό γε τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ φεύγειν ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μάλιστα παραμένειν, διὸ ἀλογίστως ἂν φεύγοι: ὁ δὲ νοῦν ἔχων ἐπιθυμοῖ που ἂν ἀεὶ εἶναι παρὰ τῷ αὑτοῦ βελτίονι. καίτοι οὕτως, ὦ Σώκρατες, τοὐναντίον εἶναι εἰκὸς ἢ ὃ νυνδὴ ἐλέγετο: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ φρονίμους ἀγανακτεῖν ἀποθνῄσκοντας πρέπει, τοὺς δὲ ἄφρονας χαίρειν.
—ἀκούσας οὖν ὁ Σωκράτης ἡσθῆναί τέ μοι ἔδοξε τῇ τοῦ |63α| κέβητος πραγματείᾳ, 3 καὶ ἐπιβλέψας εἰς ἡμᾶς, ἀεί τοι, ἔφη, ὁ Κέβης λόγους τινὰς ἀνερευνᾷ, 4 καὶ οὐ πάνυ εὐθέως ἐθέλει πείθεσθαι ὅτι ἄν τις εἴπῃ.
—καὶ ὁ Σιμμίας, ἀλλὰ μήν, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, νῦν γέ μοι δοκεῖ τι καὶ αὐτῷ λέγειν Κέβης: τί γὰρ ἂν βουλόμενοι ἄνδρες σοφοὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς 5 δεσπότας ἀμείνους αὑτῶν φεύγοιεν καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀπαλλάττοιντο αὐτῶν; καί μοι δοκεῖ Κέβης εἰς σὲ τείνειν τὸν λόγον, 6 ὅτι οὕτω ῥᾳδίως φέρεις καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπολείπων καὶ ἄρχοντας ἀγαθούς, ὡς αὐτὸς ὁμολογεῖς, θεούς.
|63β| δίκαια, ἔφη, λέγετε: οἶμαι γὰρ ὑμᾶς λέγειν ὅτι χρή με πρὸς ταῦτα ἀπολογήσασθαι ὥσπερ ἐν δικαστηρίῳ.
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας.

1 τὸ θεόν τε εἶναι: Sokrates had used the plural, as Kebes himself does directly afterwards. Plato, when he uses the word popularly, without any metaphysical significance, seems to employ θεὸς or θεοὶ indifferently.
2 φευκτέον εἶναι ἀπὸ τοῦ δεσπότου: Schanz brackets these words.
3 πραγματείᾳ: ‘insistence.’ The word is used in a somewhat unusual manner here. Plato frequently denotes by it a pursuit followed with care and earnestness, generally philosophy, but sometimes the ordinary business of life, as in Republic 500c. Compare πραγματειώδη παιδιὰν, Parmenides 137b.
4 λόγους τινὰς ἀνερευνᾷ: ‘he is always hunting for some principle or other.’
5 ἄνδρες σοφοὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς: should be taken together.
6 εἰς σὲ τείνειν τὸν λόγον: Olympiodoros remarks, not without acuteness, ἀναφαίνεται ἐντεῦθεν ὅτι τελειότερος Κέβης Σιμμίου, because Kebes raises a universal question, while Simmias συνάγει ἐπὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους.


Phaedo, Part 8.

—“Well, then,” said he, “I will try to make a more convincing defence than I did before the judges. For if I did not believe,” said he, “that I was going to other wise and good gods, and, moreover, to men who have died, better men than those here, I should be wrong in not grieving at death. But as it is, you may rest assured |63c| that I expect to go to good men, though I should not care to assert this positively; but I would assert as positively as anything about such matters that I am going to gods who are good masters. And therefore, so far as that is concerned, I not only do not grieve, but I have great hopes that there is something in store for the dead, and, as has been said of old, something better for the good than for the wicked.”
—“Well,” said Simmias, “do you intend to go away, Sokrates, |63d| and keep your opinion to yourself, or would you let us share it? It seems to me that this is a good which belongs in common to us also, and at the same time, if you convince us by what you say, that will serve as your defence.”
—“I will try,” he replied. “But first let us ask Crito there what he wants. He has apparently been trying to say something for a long time.”
—“Only, Sokrates,” said Crito, “that the man who is to administer the poison to you has been telling me for some time to warn you to talk as little as possible. He says people get warm when they talk and heat has a bad effect on the action of the poison; |63e| so sometimes he has to make those who talk too much drink twice or even three times.”
—And Sokrates said: “Never mind him. Just let him do his part and prepare to give it twice or even, if necessary, three times.”
—“I was pretty sure that was what you would say,” said Crito, “but he has been bothering me for a long time.”
—“Never mind him,” said Sokrates. “I wish now to explain to you, my judges, the reason why I think a man who has really spent his life in philosophy is naturally of good courage |64a| when he is to die, and has strong hopes that when he is dead he will attain the greatest blessings in that other land. So I will try to tell you, Simmias, and Kebes, how this would be.”
  Phaedo 63e-64a. After the interruption Sokrates restates the thesis which he has to defend: that the philosopher will meet death with good courage, in the confident hope that he will enjoy the greatest blessings in the other world.

Φαιδων, Part 8.

—φέρε δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, πειραθῶ πιθανώτερον πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἀπολογήσασθαι ἢ πρὸς τοὺς δικαστάς. ἐγὼ γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, εἰ μὲν μὴ ᾤμην ἥξειν πρῶτον μὲν παρὰ θεοὺς ἄλλους 1 σοφούς τε καὶ ἀγαθούς, ἔπειτα καὶ παρ᾽ ἀνθρώπους τετελευτηκότας ἀμείνους τῶν ἐνθάδε, ἠδίκουν ἂν οὐκ ἀγανακτῶν τῷ θανάτῳ: νῦν δὲ εὖ ἴστε ὅτι παρ᾽
|63ξ| ἄνδρας τε 2 ἐλπίζω ἀφίξεσθαι ἀγαθούς—καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἂν πάνυ διισχυρισαίμην—ὅτι μέντοι παρὰ θεοὺς δεσπότας πάνυ ἀγαθοὺς ἥξειν, 3 εὖ ἴστε ὅτι εἴπερ τι ἄλλο τῶν τοιούτων διισχυρισαίμην ἂν καὶ τοῦτο. ὥστε διὰ ταῦτα οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀγανακτῶ, ἀλλ᾽ εὔελπίς εἰμι εἶναί τι τοῖς τετελευτηκόσι καί, ὥσπερ γε καὶ πάλαι λέγεται, 4 πολὺ ἄμεινον τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἢ τοῖς κακοῖς.
—τί οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, ὦ Σώκρατες; αὐτὸς ἔχων 5 τὴν διάνοιαν ταύτην ἐν νῷ ἔχεις ἀπιέναι, ἢ κἂν ἡμῖν μεταδοίης; |63δ| κοινὸν γὰρ δὴ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ καὶ ἡμῖν εἶναι ἀγαθὸν τοῦτο, καὶ ἅμα σοι ἡ ἀπολογία ἔσται, ἐὰν ἅπερ λέγεις ἡμᾶς πείσῃς.
—ἀλλὰ πειράσομαι, ἔφη. πρῶτον δὲ Κρίτωνα 6 τόνδε σκεψώμεθα τί ἐστιν ὃ βούλεσθαί μοι δοκεῖ πάλαι εἰπεῖν.
—τί δέ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη ὁ Κρίτων, ἄλλο γε ἢ πάλαι μοι λέγει ὁ μέλλων σοι δώσειν τὸ φάρμακον ὅτι χρή σοι φράζειν ὡς ἐλάχιστα διαλέγεσθαι; φησὶ γὰρ θερμαίνεσθαι μᾶλλον διαλεγομένους, δεῖν δὲ οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον προσφέρειν |63ε| τῷ φαρμάκῳ: εἰ δὲ μή, ἐνίοτε ἀναγκάζεσθαι καὶ δὶς καὶ τρὶς πίνειν τούς τι τοιοῦτον ποιοῦντας. 7
—καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης, ἔα, ἔφη, χαίρειν αὐτόν: ἀλλὰ μόνον τὸ ἑαυτοῦ 8 παρασκευαζέτω ὡς καὶ δὶς δώσων, ἐὰν δὲ δέῃ, καὶ τρίς.
—ἀλλὰ σχεδὸν μέν τι ᾔδη, ἔφη ὁ Κρίτων: ἀλλά μοι πάλαι 9 πράγματα παρέχει.
—ἔα αὐτόν, ἔφη. ἀλλ᾽ ὑμῖν δὴ τοῖς δικασταῖς βούλομαι ἤδη τὸν λόγον ἀποδοῦναι, ὥς μοι φαίνεται 10 εἰκότως ἀνὴρ τῷ ὄντι ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ διατρίψας τὸν βίον θαρρεῖν μέλλων |64α| ἀποθανεῖσθαι καὶ εὔελπις εἶναι ἐκεῖ μέγιστα οἴσεσθαι ἀγαθὰ ἐπειδὰν τελευτήσῃ. πῶς ἂν οὖν δὴ τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχοι, ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, ἐγὼ πειράσομαι φράσαι.

1 παρὰ θεοὺς ἄλλους: Sokrates follows the popular distinction between the οὐράνιοι and χθόνιοι θεοί. Mr. Cope translates ‘in the company not only of Gods wise and good, but next also of men.’ I think however the meaning is settled by Laws 958d τὰ μὲν περὶ τὰ θεῖα νόμιμα τῶν τε ὑπὸ γῆς θεῶν καὶ τῶν τῇδε: and soon afterwards, 959b, we have exactly the same phrase as here; παρὰ θεοὺς ἄλλους ἀπιέναι δώσοντα λόγον, where θεοὺς ἄλλους can only mean ‘other gods.’
2 παρ᾽ ἄνδρας τε: The proper apodosis to the re has been displaced by the parenthesis καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἂν πάνυ διισχυρισαίμην, which modifies the form of the succeeding clause. The meaning of the parenthesis seems to be that Sokrates does not feel sure enough as to the exact condition of souls after death to make any positive statement about their association with one another: all he is quite sure of is that, whatever their condition, they are under the care of good and wise gods.
3 ἥξειν: We cannot supply ἐλπίζω, because Sokrates is confident that he will be in the company of gods, not that he hopes to be. But the infinitive construction is carried on from the previous sentence, although the particular force of the governing verb is no longer appropriate. Perhaps however Schanz is right in bracketing ἐλπίζω.
4 πάλαι λέγεται: in the current traditions of Greek religion.
5 αὐτὸς ἔχων: ‘are you minded to depart keeping this persuasion to yourself?’
6 πρῶτον δὲ Κρίτωνα: This little episode serves to mark the conclusion of the introductory matter.
7 τὸ ἑαυτοῦ: is needlessly bracketed by Schanz.
8 πάλαι: The mss. are uncertain about this word, which Schanz brackets. Z. and St. retain it.
9 ὥς μοι φαίνεται: At this point the main business of the dialogue begins: all that precedes has been merely preparatory to this thesis, and all that follows is logically evolved in its defence.
10 63 E—64 a. After the interruption Sokrates restates the thesis which he has to defend: that the philosopher will meet death with good courage, in the confident hope that he will enjoy the greatest blessings in the other world.


Phaedo, Part 9.

—“Other people are likely not to be aware that those who pursue philosophy aright study nothing but dying and being dead. Now if this is true, it would be absurd to be eager for nothing but this all their lives, and then to be troubled when that came for which they had all along been eagerly practicing.”
—And Simmias laughed and said, “By Zeus, |64b| Sokrates, I don’t feel much like laughing just now, but you made me laugh. For I think the multitude, if they heard what you just said about the philosophers, would say you were quite right, and our people at home would agree entirely with you that philosophers desire death, and they would add that they know very well that the philosophers deserve it.”
—“And they would be speaking the truth, Simmias, except in the matter of knowing very well. For they do not know in what way the real philosophers desire death, nor in what way they deserve death, nor what kind of a death it is. |64c| Let us then,” said he, “speak with one another, paying no further attention to them. Do we think there is such a thing as death?”
—“Certainly,” replied Simmias.
—“We believe, do we not, that death is the separation of the soul from the body, and that the state of being dead is the state in which the body is separated from the soul and exists alone by itself and the soul is separated from the body and exists alone by itself? Is death anything other than this?”
—“No, it is this,” said he.
—“Now, my friend, see if you agree with me; |64d| for, if you do, I think we shall get more light on our subject. Do you think a philosopher would be likely to care much about the so-called pleasures, such as eating and drinking?”
—“By no means, Sokrates,” said Simmias.
—“How about the pleasures of love?”
—“Certainly not.”
—“Well, do you think such a man would think much of the other cares of the body—I mean such as the possession of fine clothes and shoes and the other personal adornments? Do you think he would care about them |64e| or despise them, except so far as it is necessary to have them?”
—“I think the true philosopher would despise them,” he replied.
—“Altogether, then, you think that such a man would not devote himself to the body, but would, so far as he was able, turn away from the body and concern himself with the soul?”
—“Yes.”
—“To begin with, then, it is clear that in such matters the philosopher, more than other men, separates |65a| the soul from communion with the body?”
—“It is.”
—“Now certainly most people think that a man who takes no pleasure and has no part in such things doesn’t deserve to live, and that one who cares nothing for the pleasures of the body is about as good as dead.”
—“That is very true.”
  Phaedo 64a-67b, cc. ix-xi. The philosopher’s whole life is nothing else than the study and practice of death; how then shall he be dismayed when that comes for which he has always been striving? This paradox is explained as follows. First we define death as the state of separation of soul and body. Now the philosopher’s aim is the attainment of knowledge and wisdom. But the body is forever thwarting his endeavours; (1) by its pleasures and appetites, (2) by the intrusion of sensual perceptions, (3) by its weaknesses and maladies. All these hinder the free action of the soul and prevent her from gazing calmly on the truth. Accordingly so long as the soul is in union with the body, she can never attain to perfect wisdom; only death, by setting her free, enables her, if ever, to reach the truth. But the true philosopher will do all he can during life to anticipate this condition: he will withdraw his soul, so far as may be, from all communion with the body: its pleasures and pains he will scorn, its perceptions he will ignore; and so when the hour of release arrives the soul will be pure and unsullied by material taint; she will be fit to enjoy the free life of intelligence that is now before her.

Φαιδων, Part 9.

—κινδυνεύουσι γὰρ ὅσοι τυγχάνουσιν ὀρθῶς ἁπτόμενοι φιλοσοφίας λεληθέναι τοὺς ἄλλους ὅτι οὐδὲν ἄλλο αὐτοὶ ἐπιτηδεύουσιν ἢ ἀποθνῄσκειν τε καὶ τεθνάναι. 1 εἰ οὖν τοῦτο ἀληθές, ἄτοπον δήπου ἂν εἴη προθυμεῖσθαι μὲν ἐν παντὶ τῷ βίῳ μηδὲν ἄλλο ἢ τοῦτο, ἥκοντος δὲ δὴ αὐτοῦ ἀγανακτεῖν ὃ πάλαι προυθυμοῦντό τε καὶ ἐπετήδευον.
—καὶ ὁ Σιμμίας γελάσας, νὴ τὸν Δία, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, |64β| οὐ πάνυ γέ με νυνδὴ γελασείοντα ἐποίησας γελάσαι. οἶμαι γὰρ ἂν τοὺς πολλοὺς αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἀκούσαντας δοκεῖν εὖ πάνυ εἰρῆσθαι εἰς τοὺς φιλοσοφοῦντας—καὶ συμφάναι ἂν τοὺς μὲν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν 2 ἀνθρώπους καὶ πάνυ—ὅτι τῷ ὄντι οἱ φιλοσοφοῦντες θανατῶσι, καὶ σφᾶς 3 γε οὐ λελήθασιν ὅτι ἄξιοί εἰσιν τοῦτο πάσχειν.
—καὶ ἀληθῆ γ᾽ ἂν λέγοιεν, ὦ Σιμμία, πλήν γε τοῦ σφᾶς μὴ λεληθέναι. 4 λέληθεν γὰρ αὐτοὺς ᾗ τε θανατῶσι καὶ ᾗ ἄξιοί εἰσιν θανάτου καὶ οἵου θανάτου οἱ ὡς ἀληθῶς φιλόσοφοι.
|64ξ| εἴπωμεν γάρ, ἔφη, πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτούς, χαίρειν εἰπόντες ἐκείνοις: ἡγούμεθά τι τὸν θάνατον εἶναι;
—πάνυ γε, ἔφη ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Σιμμίας.
—ἆρα μὴ ἄλλο τι 5 ἢ τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος ἀπαλλαγήν; καὶ εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ τεθνάναι, χωρὶς μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀπαλλαγὲν αὐτὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸ τὸ σῶμα γεγονέναι, χωρὶς δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος ἀπαλλαγεῖσαν αὐτὴν καθ᾽ αὑτὴν εἶναι; ἆρα μὴ ἄλλο τι 5 ᾖ ὁ θάνατος ἢ τοῦτο;
—οὔκ, ἀλλὰ τοῦτο, ἔφη.
—σκέψαι δή, ὠγαθέ, ἐὰν ἄρα καὶ σοὶ συνδοκῇ ἅπερ ἐμοί: |64δ| ἐκ γὰρ τούτων μᾶλλον οἶμαι ἡμᾶς εἴσεσθαι περὶ ὧν σκοποῦμεν. φαίνεταί σοι φιλοσόφου ἀνδρὸς εἶναι ἐσπουδακέναι περὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς 6 καλουμένας τὰς τοιάσδε, οἷον σιτίων τε καὶ ποτῶν;
—ἥκιστα, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας.
—τί δὲ τὰς τῶν ἀφροδισίων;
—οὐδαμῶς.
—τί δὲ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς περὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπείας; δοκεῖ σοι ἐντίμους ἡγεῖσθαι ὁ τοιοῦτος; οἷον ἱματίων διαφερόντων κτήσεις καὶ ὑποδημάτων καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους καλλωπισμοὺς τοὺς περὶ τὸ σῶμα πότερον τιμᾶν δοκεῖ σοι ἢ ἀτιμάζειν, |64ε| καθ᾽ ὅσον μὴ πολλὴ ἀνάγκη μετέχειν αὐτῶν;
—ἀτιμάζειν ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ἔφη, ὅ γε ὡς ἀληθῶς φιλόσοφος.
—οὐκοῦν ὅλως δοκεῖ σοι, ἔφη, ἡ τοῦ τοιούτου πραγματεία οὐ περὶ τὸ σῶμα εἶναι, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ὅσον δύναται ἀφεστάναι αὐτοῦ, 7 πρὸς δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν τετράφθαι; ἔμοιγε.
—ἆρ᾽ οὖν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις δῆλός ἐστιν ὁ |65α| φιλόσοφος ἀπολύων ὅτι μάλιστα τὴν ψυχὴν ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦ σώματος κοινωνίας διαφερόντως τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων;
—φαίνεται.
—καὶ δοκεῖ γέ που, ὦ Σιμμία, τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀνθρώποις ᾧ μηδὲν ἡδὺ τῶν τοιούτων μηδὲ μετέχει αὐτῶν οὐκ ἄξιον εἶναι ζῆν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγγύς τι τείνειν 8 τοῦ τεθνάναι ὁ μηδὲν φροντίζων τῶν ἡδονῶν αἳ διὰ τοῦ σώματός 9 εἰσιν.
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν ἀληθῆ λέγεις.

1 ἀποθνῄσκειν τε καὶ τεθνάναι: ‘dying and being dead,’ ἀποθνῄσκειν represents the philosophic training, the gradual emancipation of the soul from bodily passions; τεθνάναι the perfected philosophic ἕξις, the complete independence of soul, so far as is permitted by the conditions of corporeal life.
2 τοὺς μὲν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν: In the mouth of Simmias I think these words must refer to the Thebans: cf. Sophist 242d τὸ δὲ παρ’ ἡμῖν Ἐλεατικὸν ἔθνος. ‘The majority would think what you say of philosophers excellent—my countrymen would give an especially cordial assent.’ Simmias is glancing at the proverbial dulness of the Boeotian mind.
3 καὶ σφᾶς: Sc. τοὺς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν.
4 λεληθέναι…εἶναι: Note the significant change of word.
5 ἆρα μὴ ἄλλο τι: If ἢ be right, it can only be a deliberative subjunctive. For in a question we can hardly accept Heindorf’s suggestion, ‘ante μὴ intelligi potest δεδοίκατε.’
6 περὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς: Olympiodoros classifies those here mentioned as (1) ἐνεργεῖαι φυσικαὶ καὶ ἀναγκαῖαι, (2) φυσικαὶ μὲν οὐκ ἀναγκαῖαι δέ, (3) οὔτε φυσικαὶ οὔτε ἀναγκαῖαι. This however, as Wyttenbach points out, is an Epicurean distinction: cf. Cicero De Finibus I xiii §45, and Diogenes Laertius x 149: where the examples do not correspond with the present passage.
7 ἀφεστάναι αὐτοῦ: With the whole of these three chapters should be compared Timaeus 87c-90d. It would be an error to suppose that Plato, with all his contempt for the body, was a friend of asceticism. In the passage of the Timaeus above mentioned he says that a due balance should be maintained between soul and body; a vigorous soul ought to have a vigorous body for its vehicle. Accordingly the body should be kept in good health and condition for the sake of the soul: for no less emphatically than in the Phaedo he declares that all is to be subordinate to the free exercise of intelligence; see especially 90a following.
8 ἐγγύς τι τείνειν: ‘verges pretty closely on the state of death,’ Cope. Here Plato marks the vulgar error already referred to in 64b λέληθεν γὰρ αὐτοὺς ᾗ τε θανατῶσι καὶ ᾗ ἄξιοί εἰσιν θανάτου καὶ οἵου θανάτου οἱ ὡς ἀληθῶς φιλόσοφοι. The majority have no conception of the philosophic τεθνάναι {death}; if one lives without bodily pleasures, they think he may as well be dead. Such is the judgment of Kallikles, Gorgias 492e οἱ λίθοι γὰρ ἂν οὕτω γε καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ εὐδαιμονέστατοι εἶεν. Sokrates retorts that the life of the pleasure-seeker is a πίθου βίος and afterwards χαραδριοῦ, 494b. Cf. Philebus 21c.
9 διὰ τοῦ σώματός: This phrase would indicate that there is no real discrepancy between the doctrine of the Phaedo and of the Philebus on the subject of pleasure. For the preposition διὰ implies ‘those pleasures [which the soul feels] by means of the body’: see introduction §4.


Phaedo, Part 10.

—“Now, how about the acquirement of pure knowledge? Is the body a hindrance or not, if it is made to share in the search for wisdom? |65b| What I mean is this: Have the sight and hearing of men any truth in them, or is it true, as the poets are always telling us, that we neither hear nor see any thing accurately? And yet if these two physical senses are not accurate or exact, the rest are not likely to be, for they are inferior to these. Do you not think so?”
—“Certainly I do,” he replied.
—“Then,” said he, “when does the soul attain to truth? For when it tries to consider anything in company with the body, it is evidently deceived by it.”
|65c| “True.”
—“In thought, then, if at all, something of the realities becomes clear to it?”
—“Yes.”
—“But it thinks best when none of these things troubles it, neither hearing nor sight, nor pain nor any pleasure, but it is, so far as possible, alone by itself, and takes leave of the body, and avoiding, so far as it can, all association or contact with the body, reaches out toward the reality.”
—“That is true.”
—“In this matter also, then, |65d| the soul of the philosopher greatly despises the body and avoids it and strives to be alone by itself?”
—“Evidently.”
—“Now how about such things as this, Simmias? Do we think there is such a thing as absolute justice, or not?”
—“We certainly think there is.”
—“And absolute beauty and goodness.”
—“Of course.”
—“Well, did you ever see anything of that kind with your eyes?”
—“Certainly not,” said he.
—“Or did you ever reach them with any of the bodily senses? I am speaking of all such things, as size, health, strength, and in short the essence |65e| or underlying quality of everything. Is their true nature contemplated by means of the body? Is it not rather the case that he who prepares himself most carefully to understand the true essence of each thing that he examines would come nearest to the knowledge of it?”
—“Certainly.”
—“Would not that man do this most perfectly who approaches each thing, so far as possible, with the reason alone, not introducing sight into his reasoning nor dragging in |66a| any of the other senses along with his thinking, but who employs pure, absolute reason in his attempt to search out the pure, absolute essence of things, and who removes himself, so far as possible, from eyes and ears, and, in a word, from his whole body, because he feels that its companionship disturbs the soul and hinders it from attaining truth and wisdom? Is not this the man, Simmias, if anyone, to attain to the knowledge of reality?”
—“That is true as true can be, Sokrates,” said Simmias.

Φαιδων, Part 10.

—τί δὲ δὴ περὶ αὐτὴν τὴν τῆς φρονήσεως κτῆσιν; πότερον ἐμπόδιον τὸ σῶμα ἢ οὔ, ἐάν τις αὐτὸ ἐν τῇ ζητήσει
|65β| κοινωνὸν συμπαραλαμβάνῃ; οἷον τὸ τοιόνδε λέγω: ἆρα ἔχει ἀλήθειάν τινα ὄψις τε καὶ ἀκοὴ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἢ τά γε τοιαῦτα καὶ οἱ ποιηταὶ ἡμῖν ἀεὶ θρυλοῦσιν, 1 ὅτι οὔτ᾽ ἀκούομεν ἀκριβὲς οὐδὲν οὔτε ὁρῶμεν; καίτοι εἰ αὗται τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα αἰσθήσεων μὴ ἀκριβεῖς εἰσιν μηδὲ σαφεῖς, σχολῇ αἵ γε ἄλλαι: πᾶσαι γάρ που τούτων φαυλότεραί 2 εἰσιν. ἢ σοὶ οὐ δοκοῦσιν;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη.
—πότε οὖν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἡ ψυχὴ τῆς ἀληθείας ἅπτεται; ὅταν μὲν γὰρ μετὰ τοῦ σώματος ἐπιχειρῇ τι σκοπεῖν, δῆλον ὅτι τότε ἐξαπατᾶται ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
|65ξ| ἀληθῆ λέγεις.
—ἆρ᾽ οὖν οὐκ ἐν τῷ λογίζεσθαι εἴπερ που ἄλλοθι κατάδηλον αὐτῇ γίγνεταί τι τῶν ὄντων;
—ναί.
—λογίζεται δέ γέ που τότε κάλλιστα, ὅταν αὐτὴν τούτων μηδὲν παραλυπῇ, 3 μήτε ἀκοὴ μήτε ὄψις μήτε ἀλγηδὼν μηδέ τις ἡδονή, 4 ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μάλιστα αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν γίγνηται ἐῶσα χαίρειν τὸ σῶμα, καὶ καθ᾽ ὅσον δύναται μὴ κοινωνοῦσα αὐτῷ μηδ᾽ ἁπτομένη ὀρέγηται 5 τοῦ ὄντος.
—ἔστι ταῦτα.
—οὐκοῦν καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἡ τοῦ φιλοσόφου ψυχὴ μάλιστα |65δ| ἀτιμάζει τὸ σῶμα καὶ φεύγει ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ζητεῖ δὲ αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν γίγνεσθαι;
—φαίνεται.
—τί δὲ δὴ τὰ τοιάδε, ὦ Σιμμία; φαμέν τι εἶναι δίκαιον αὐτὸ ἢ οὐδέν;
—φαμὲν μέντοι νὴ Δία.
—καὶ αὖ καλόν γέ τι καὶ ἀγαθόν; 6
—πῶς δ᾽ οὔ;
—ἤδη οὖν πώποτέ τι τῶν τοιούτων τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς εἶδες;
—οὐδαμῶς, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς.
—ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλῃ τινὶ αἰσθήσει τῶν διὰ τοῦ σώματος ἐφήψω αὐτῶν; λέγω δὲ περὶ πάντων, οἷον μεγέθους πέρι, 7 ὑγιείας, ἰσχύος, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑνὶ λόγῳ ἁπάντων τῆς οὐσίας ὃ |65ε| τυγχάνει ἕκαστον ὄν: ἆρα διὰ τοῦ σώματος αὐτῶν τὸ ἀληθέστατον θεωρεῖται, ἢ ὧδε ἔχει: ὃς ἂν μάλιστα ἡμῶν καὶ ἀκριβέστατα παρασκευάσηται αὐτὸ ἕκαστον διανοηθῆναι 8 περὶ οὗ σκοπεῖ, οὗτος ἂν ἐγγύτατα ἴοι τοῦ γνῶναι ἕκαστον;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
—ἆρ᾽ οὖν ἐκεῖνος ἂν τοῦτο ποιήσειεν καθαρώτατα ὅστις ὅτι μάλιστα αὐτῇ τῇ διανοίᾳ 9 ἴοι ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστον, μήτε τιν᾽ ὄψιν παρατιθέμενος ἐν τῷ διανοεῖσθαι μήτε τινὰ ἄλλην |66α| αἴσθησιν ἐφέλκων μηδεμίαν μετὰ τοῦ λογισμοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῇ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν εἰλικρινεῖ τῇ διανοίᾳ 10 χρώμενος αὐτὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸ εἰλικρινὲς ἕκαστον ἐπιχειροῖ θηρεύειν τῶν ὄντων, ἀπαλλαγεὶς ὅτι μάλιστα ὀφθαλμῶν τε καὶ ὤτων καὶ ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν σύμπαντος τοῦ σώματος, ὡς ταράττοντος καὶ οὐκ ἐῶντος τὴν ψυχὴν κτήσασθαι ἀλήθειάν τε καὶ φρόνησιν 10 ὅταν κοινωνῇ; ἆρ᾽ οὐχ οὗτός ἐστιν, ὦ Σιμμία, εἴπερ τις καὶ ἄλλος ὁ τευξόμενος τοῦ ὄντος;
—ὑπερφυῶς, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, ὡς ἀληθῆ λέγεις, ὦ Σώκρατες.

1 οἱ ποιηταὶ ἡμῖν ἀεὶ θρυλοῦσιν: e. g. Empedokles 49-53 (Karsten).
2 φαυλότεραί: Sight is distinguished as the noblest of the senses in Timaeus 474a ὄψις δὴ κατὰ τὸν ἐμὸν λόγον αἰτία τῆς μεγίστης ὠφελίας γέγονεν ἡμῖν {Vision, in my view, is the cause of the greatest benefit to us, inasmuch as none of the accounts now given concerning the Universe would ever have been given if men had not seen the stars or the sun or the heaven. But as it is, the vision of day and night and of months and circling years has created the art of number and has given us not only the notion of Time but also means of research into the nature of the Universe.}: hearing comes next, 47c-d. Cf. Phaedrus 250d ὄψις γὰρ ἡμῖν ὀξυτάτη τῶν διὰ τοῦ σώματος ἔρχεται αἰσθήσεων {sight is the sharpest of the physical senses}.
3 παραλυπῇ: annoys by its intrusion: this sense of παρὰ is not uncommon in Plato: cf. below 66d παραπῖπτον; Timaeus 50e παρεμφαῖνον.
4 μηδέ τις ἡδονή: This is the reading of the Bodleian, and seems to me right. ἀλγηδὼν μηδέ τις ἡδονή all belong to the last μήτε. Z. has μήτε τις.
5 ὀρέγηται: ‘reaches after.’
6 καλόν γέ τι καὶ ἀγαθόν: Here the αὐτὸ ἀγαθὸν; seems placed on the same level as the other ideas. This however is merely because for the present purpose Plato is not concerned to differentiate it: the criticism of Anaxagoras, 98c following, shows that in the Phaedo the αὐτὸ ἀγαθὸν must occupy the same position as in the Republic. In the Republic itself ἀγαθὸν is several times apparently classed with the inferior ideas, e. g. 476a.
7 μεγέθους πέρι: Here is the first decisive indication that the Phaedo beongs to the middle phase of Platonism, along with the Republic. For μεγέθους is τῶν πρός τι ποιοῦσιν ἰδέας, ὧν οὔ φαμεν εἶναι καθ’ αὑτὸ γένος. (Aristotle Metaphysics I ix.)
8 διανοηθῆναι: is opposed to αἰσθάνεσθαι: ‘to apprehend intellectually the essence of each object of his investigation.’
9 αὐτῇ τῇ διανοίᾳ: The distinction of the Republic between νοῦς {mind} and διανοίᾳ {thorough reasoning} is not drawn here, since for our present purpose it is unnecessary.
10 ἀλήθειάν τε καὶ φρόνησιν: is objective truth, φρόνησις {understanding} the mental πάθημα {strong emotion}. which apprehends it; cf. Republic 511b.


Phaedo, Part 11.

|66b| “Then,” said he, “all this must cause good lovers of wisdom to think and say one to the other something like this: ‘There seems to be a short cut which leads us and our argument to the conclusion in our search that so long as we have the body, and the soul is contaminated by such an evil, we shall never attain completely what we desire, that is, the truth. For the body keeps us constantly busy by reason of its need of sustenance; |66c| and moreover, if diseases come upon it they hinder our pursuit of the truth. And the body fills us with passions and desires and fears, and all sorts of fancies and foolishness, so that, as they say, it really and truly makes it impossible for us to think at all. The body and its desires are the only cause of wars and factions and battles; for all wars arise for the sake of gaining money, and we are compelled to gain money |66d |for the sake of the body. We are slaves to its service. And so, because of all these things, we have no leisure for philosophy. But the worst of all is that if we do get a bit of leisure and turn to philosophy, the body is constantly breaking in upon our studies and disturbing us with noise and confusion, so that it prevents our beholding the truth, and in fact we perceive that, if we are ever to know anything absolutely, we must be free from the body and must behold |66e| the actual realities with the eye of the soul alone. And then, as our argument shows, when we are dead we are likely to possess the wisdom which we desire and claim to be enamored of, but not while we live. For, if pure knowledge is impossible while the body is with us, one of two thing must follow, either it cannot be acquired at all or only when we are dead; for then the soul |67a| will be by itself apart from the body, but not before. And while we live, we shall, I think, be nearest to knowledge when we avoid, so far as possible, intercourse and communion with the body, except what is absolutely necessary, and are not filled with its nature, but keep ourselves pure from it until God himself sets us free. And in this way, freeing ourselves from the foolishness of the body and being pure, we shall, I think, be with the pure and shall know of ourselves all that is pure,—|67b| and that is, perhaps, the truth. For it cannot be that ‘the impure attain the pure.’ Such words as these, I think, Simmias, all who are rightly lovers of knowledge must say to each other and such must be their thoughts. Do you not agree?”
—“Most assuredly, Sokrates.”

Φαιδων, Part 11.

|66β| οὐκοῦν ἀνάγκη, ἔφη, ἐκ πάντων τούτων παρίστασθαι δόξαν τοιάνδε τινὰ τοῖς γνησίως φιλοσόφοις, ὥστε καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τοιαῦτα ἄττα λέγειν, ὅτι ‘κινδυνεύει τοι ὥσπερ ἀτραπός 1 τις ἐκφέρειν ἡμᾶς μετὰ τοῦ λόγου ἐν τῇ σκέψει, ὅτι, ἕως ἂν τὸ σῶμα ἔχωμεν καὶ συμπεφυρμένη ᾖ ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχὴ μετὰ τοιούτου κακοῦ, οὐ μή ποτε κτησώμεθα ἱκανῶς οὗ ἐπιθυμοῦμεν: φαμὲν δὲ τοῦτο εἶναι τὸ ἀληθές. μυρίας μὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν ἀσχολίας παρέχει τὸ σῶμα διὰ τὴν ἀναγκαίαν |66ξ| τροφήν: 2 ἔτι δέ, ἄν τινες νόσοι προσπέσωσιν, ἐμποδίζουσιν ἡμῶν τὴν τοῦ ὄντος θήραν. ἐρώτων δὲ καὶ ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ φόβων καὶ εἰδώλων παντοδαπῶν καὶ φλυαρίας ἐμπίμπλησιν ἡμᾶς πολλῆς, ὥστε τὸ λεγόμενον ὡς ἀληθῶς τῷ ὄντι ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ οὐδὲ φρονῆσαι 3 ἡμῖν ἐγγίγνεται οὐδέποτε οὐδέν. καὶ γὰρ πολέμους καὶ στάσεις καὶ μάχας οὐδὲν ἄλλο παρέχει ἢ τὸ σῶμα καὶ αἱ τούτου ἐπιθυμίαι. διὰ γὰρ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων κτῆσιν 4 πάντες οἱ πόλεμοι γίγνονται, τὰ δὲ χρήματα |66δ| ἀναγκαζόμεθα κτᾶσθαι διὰ τὸ σῶμα, δουλεύοντες τῇ τούτου θεραπείᾳ: καὶ ἐκ τούτου ἀσχολίαν ἄγομεν φιλοσοφίας πέρι διὰ πάντα ταῦτα. τὸ δ᾽ ἔσχατον πάντων ὅτι, ἐάν τις ἡμῖν καὶ σχολὴ γένηται ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τραπώμεθα πρὸς τὸ σκοπεῖν τι, ἐν ταῖς ζητήσεσιν αὖ πανταχοῦ παραπῖπτον θόρυβον παρέχει καὶ ταραχὴν καὶ ἐκπλήττει, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καθορᾶν τἀληθές. ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι ἡμῖν δέδεικται ὅτι, εἰ μέλλομέν ποτε καθαρῶς τι εἴσεσθαι, |66ε| ἀπαλλακτέον αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐτῇ τῇ ψυχῇ θεατέον αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα: 5 καὶ τότε, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἡμῖν ἔσται οὗ ἐπιθυμοῦμέν τε καί φαμεν ἐρασταὶ εἶναι, φρονήσεως, ἐπειδὰν τελευτήσωμεν, ὡς ὁ λόγος σημαίνει, ζῶσιν δὲ οὔ. εἰ γὰρ μὴ οἷόν τε μετὰ τοῦ σώματος μηδὲν καθαρῶς γνῶναι, δυοῖν θάτερον, ἢ οὐδαμοῦ ἔστιν κτήσασθαι τὸ εἰδέναι ἢ τελευτήσασιν: τότε |67α| γὰρ αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν ἡ ψυχὴ ἔσται χωρὶς τοῦ σώματος, πρότερον δ᾽ οὔ. καὶ ἐν ᾧ ἂν ζῶμεν, οὕτως, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐγγυτάτω ἐσόμεθα τοῦ εἰδέναι, ἐὰν ὅτι μάλιστα μηδὲν ὁμιλῶμεν τῷ σώματι μηδὲ κοινωνῶμεν, ὅτι μὴ πᾶσα ἀνάγκη, μηδὲ ἀναπιμπλώμεθα τῆς τούτου φύσεως, ἀλλὰ καθαρεύωμεν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ἕως ἂν ὁ θεὸς 6 αὐτὸς ἀπολύσῃ ἡμᾶς: καὶ οὕτω μὲν καθαροὶ ἀπαλλαττόμενοι τῆς τοῦ σώματος ἀφροσύνης, ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς μετὰ τοιούτων 7 τε ἐσόμεθα καὶ γνωσόμεθα δι᾽ ἡμῶν |67β| αὐτῶν πᾶν τὸ εἰλικρινές, τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἴσως τὸ ἀληθές: 8 μὴ καθαρῷ 9 γὰρ καθαροῦ ἐφάπτεσθαι μὴ οὐ θεμιτὸν ᾖ.’ τοιαῦτα οἶμαι, ὦ Σιμμία, ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι πρὸς ἀλλήλους λέγειν τε καὶ δοξάζειν πάντας τοὺς ὀρθῶς φιλομαθεῖς. ἢ οὐ δοκεῖ σοι οὕτως;
—παντός γε μᾶλλον, ὦ Σώκρατες.

1 ὥσπερ ἀτραπός: Olympiodoros insists that this refers to a Pythagorean maxim φεύγειν τὰς λεωφόρους, whereby he has largely contributed to the perplexity of this passage. I believe ἀτραπός properly means not so much a byway as a short cut: what then is this shortcut: We are here drawing an inference ἐκ πάντων τούτων, i.e. from the various considerations which induce the philosopher to withdraw his soul from communion with the body. Now to this state of separation, towards which the philosopher struggles during life by a long and tedious process, there is but one short cut, namely death; which therefore I hold with Schleiermacher is meant by the ἀτραπός. So far then we get a perfectly good sense: ‘the inference which genuine philosophers will draw from the foregoing considerations is this: it seems that death is a shortcut to the goal of our life’s endeavour.’ But what of μετὰ τοῦ λόγου ἐν τῇ σκέψει which in the mss. Follow ἐκφέρειν? The unmeaning superfluity and intolerable clumsiness of this addition surely ought not to be laid to the charge of Plato. A glance at the notes of the various editors is enough to show the hopelessness of extracting any sense from the phrase as it stands in the texts. Again, as I think, the acuteness of Schleiermacher has solved the difficulty. If, as he proposes, we place the words after ἔχωμεν, they are perfectly appropriate and restore the balance of the sentence, which will then run ‘it seems that a kind of shortcut brings us to our goal; because, so long as we have the body as a partner with the reason in our search for truth, and our soul is mixed up with this plague, we shall never fully attain the object of our desires.’ Cf. 65e-66a μήτε τιν᾽ ὄψιν παρατιθέμενος ἐν τῷ διανοεῖσθαι μήτε τινὰ ἄλλην αἴσθησιν ἐφέλκων μηδεμίαν μετὰ τοῦ λογισμοῦ. As evidence of confusion in the mss. it may be noted that the position of ἡμᾶς varies; on which account Hermann brackets it. Possibly we should translate τοῦ λογισμοῦ ‘our theory’, not ‘reason’, because in the latter sense Plato usually says μετὰ λογισμοῦ, not μετὰ τοῦ λογισμοῦ: cf. Timaeus 28a, Protagoras 324b. But in Timaeus 70a we have τοῦ λόγου κατήκοον. I still feel doubtful whether some words have not fallen out: ἀτραπός seems to require definition; and possibly the misplaced phrase extruded something like ὁθάνατος after ἐκφέρειν. For the use of ἐκφέρειν Heindorf quotes Sophocles Aias 7: and somewhat similar is the use of the passive in Cratylus 386a.
2 διὰ τὴν ἀναγκαίαν τροφήν: Compare Timaeus 43b-44a.
3 οὐδὲ φρονῆσαι: This, as indicated by τὸ λεγόμενον, was no doubt a common phrase, to which Plato has given a turn of his own. Wyttenbach observes ‘nondum satis cognitum, ὡς ἀληθῶς et item τῷ ὄντι citatis locis addi’. He might have added that Plato uses these words when he is giving the popular phrase a deeper meaning, as here and in Phaedrus 256b τῶν τριῶν παλαισμάτων τῶν ὡς ἀληθῶς Ὀλυμπιακῶν.
4 διὰ γὰρ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων κτῆσιν: cf. Republic 373d.
5 αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα: ‘the realities of things’, i.e. the ideas. For this use of πράγματα compare 99e βλέπων πρὸς τὰ πράγματα.
6 ὁ θεὸς: Z. and St. add αὐτὸς.
7 μετὰ τοιούτων: I take this to be neuter; i.e. the contents of the ideal world. Cf. Phaedrus 249c πρὸς γὰρ ἐκείνοις ἀεί ἐστιν μνήμῃ κατὰ δύναμιν, πρὸς οἷσπερ θεὸς ὢν θεῖός ἐστι.
8 τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἴσως τὸ ἀληθές: I have bracketed these words, which I believe to be a mere gloss on εἰλικρινές, derived from 66b φαμὲν δὲ τοῦτο εἶναι τὸ ἀληθές.
9 μὴ καθαρῷ: ‘for I doubt it is not lawful for the impure to reach the pure’.


Phaedo, Part 12.

—“Then,” said Sokrates, “if this is true, my friend, I have great hopes that when I reach the place to which I am going, I shall there, if anywhere, attain fully to that which has been my chief object in my past life, so that the journey which is now |67c| imposed upon me is begun with good hope; and the like hope exists for every man who thinks that his mind has been purified and made ready.”
—“Certainly,” said Simmias.
—“And does not the purification consist in this which has been mentioned long ago in our discourse, in separating, so far as possible, the soul from the body and teaching the soul the habit of collecting and bringing itself together from all parts of the body, and living, so far as it can, both now |67d| and hereafter, alone by itself, freed from the body as from fetters?”
—“Certainly,” said he.
—“Well, then, this is what we call death, is it not, a release and separation from the body?”
—“Exactly so,” said he.
—“But, as we hold, the true philosophers and they alone are always most eager to release the soul, and just this—the release and separation of the soul from the body—is their study, is it not?”
—“Obviously.”
—“Then, as I said in the beginning, it would be absurd if a man who had been all his life fitting himself to live as nearly |67e| in a state of death as he could, should then be disturbed when death came to him. Would it not be absurd?”
—“Of course.”
—“In fact, then, Simmias,” said he, “the true philosophers practice dying, and death is less terrible to them than to any other men. Consider it in this way. They are in every way hostile to the body and they desire to have the soul apart by itself alone. Would it not be very foolish if they should be frightened and troubled when this very thing happens, and if they should not be glad to go to the place where there is hope of attaining |68a| what they longed for all through life—and they longed for wisdom—and of escaping from the companionship of that which they hated? When human loves or wives or sons have died, many men have willingly gone to the other world led by the hope of seeing there those whom they longed for, and of being with them; and shall he who is really in love with wisdom and has a firm belief that he can find it nowhere else |68b| than in the other world grieve when he dies and not be glad to go there? We cannot think that, my friend, if he is really a philosopher; for he will confidently believe that he will find pure wisdom nowhere else than in the other world. And if this is so, would it not be very foolish for such a man to fear death?”
—“Very foolish, certainly,” said he.
  Phaedo 67b-68b, c. xii. So then he will meet death with a good heart who has purified his soul by withdrawing her from contact with the body and accustoming her to dwell apart by herself; for death is the consummation of her release from body. Were it not strange if the wise man shrank from that which all his life long he sought; freedom from his foe the body, and fruition of wisdom his love? Shall a man meet death gladly in hope of reunion with some earthly love, and for the sake of his divine love shall he fear to die?

Φαιδων, Part 12.

—οὐκοῦν, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, εἰ ταῦτα ἀληθῆ, ὦ ἑταῖρε, πολλὴ ἐλπὶς ἀφικομένῳ οἷ ἐγὼ πορεύομαι, ἐκεῖ ἱκανῶς, εἴπερ που ἄλλοθι, κτήσασθαι τοῦτο οὗ ἕνεκα ἡ πολλὴ πραγματεία ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι βίῳ γέγονεν, ὥστε ἥ γε |67ξ| ἀποδημία ἡ νῦν μοι προστεταγμένη μετὰ ἀγαθῆς ἐλπίδος γίγνεται καὶ ἄλλῳ ἀνδρὶ ὃς ἡγεῖταί οἱ παρεσκευάσθαι τὴν διάνοιαν ὥσπερ κεκαθαρμένην.
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας.
—κάθαρσις δὲ εἶναι ἆρα οὐ τοῦτο συμβαίνει, ὅπερ πάλαι ἐν τῷ λόγῳ λέγεται, τὸ χωρίζειν ὅτι μάλιστα ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ ἐθίσαι αὐτὴν καθ᾽ αὑτὴν πανταχόθεν ἐκ τοῦ σώματος συναγείρεσθαί τε καὶ ἁθροίζεσθαι, καὶ οἰκεῖν κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν καὶ ἐν τῷ νῦν παρόντι καὶ ἐν τῷ |67δ| ἔπειτα μόνην καθ᾽ αὑτήν, ἐκλυομένην 1 ὥσπερ δεσμῶν 2 ἐκ τοῦ σώματος;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη.
—οὐκοῦν τοῦτό γε θάνατος ὀνομάζεται, λύσις καὶ χωρισμὸς ψυχῆς ἀπὸ σώματος;
—παντάπασί γε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς.
—λύειν δέ γε αὐτήν, ὥς φαμεν, προθυμοῦνται ἀεὶ μάλιστα καὶ μόνοι 3 οἱ φιλοσοφοῦντες ὀρθῶς, καὶ τὸ μελέτημα αὐτὸ τοῦτό ἐστιν τῶν φιλοσόφων, λύσις καὶ χωρισμὸς ψυχῆς ἀπὸ σώματος: ἢ οὔ;
—φαίνεται.
—οὐκοῦν, ὅπερ ἐν ἀρχῇ ἔλεγον, γελοῖον ἂν εἴη ἄνδρα |67ε| παρασκευάζονθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῷ βίῳ ὅτι ἐγγυτάτω ὄντα τοῦ τεθνάναι οὕτω ζῆν, κἄπειθ᾽ ἥκοντος αὐτῷ τούτου ἀγανακτεῖν;
—γελοῖον: πῶς δ᾽ οὔ;
—τῷ ὄντι ἄρα, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία, οἱ ὀρθῶς φιλοσοφοῦντες ἀποθνῄσκειν μελετῶσι, καὶ τὸ τεθνάναι ἥκιστα αὐτοῖς ἀνθρώπων φοβερόν. ἐκ τῶνδε δὲ σκόπει. εἰ γὰρ διαβέβληνται μὲν πανταχῇ τῷ σώματι, αὐτὴν δὲ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν ἐπιθυμοῦσι τὴν ψυχὴν ἔχειν, τούτου δή 4 γιγνομένου εἰ φοβοῖντο καὶ ἀγανακτοῖεν, οὐ πολλὴ ἂν ἀλογία εἴη, εἰ μὴ |68α| ἅσμενοι ἐκεῖσε ἴοιεν, οἷ ἀφικομένοις ἐλπίς ἐστιν οὗ διὰ βίου ἤρων τυχεῖν—ἤρων δὲ φρονήσεως—ᾧ τε διεβέβληντο, τούτου ἀπηλλάχθαι συνόντος αὐτοῖς; ἢ ἀνθρωπίνων μὲν παιδικῶν καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ ὑέων ἀποθανόντων πολλοὶ δὴ ἑκόντες ἠθέλησαν εἰς Ἅιδου μετελθεῖν, ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀγόμενοι τῆς ἐλπίδος, τῆς τοῦ ὄψεσθαί τε ἐκεῖ ὧν ἐπεθύμουν καὶ συνέσεσθαι: φρονήσεως δὲ ἄρα τις τῷ ὄντι ἐρῶν, καὶ λαβὼν σφόδρα τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην ἐλπίδα, μηδαμοῦ ἄλλοθι ἐντεύξεσθαι αὐτῇ |68β| ἀξίως λόγου ἢ ἐν Ἅιδου, ἀγανακτήσει τε ἀποθνῄσκων καὶ οὐχ ἅσμενος εἶσιν αὐτόσε; οἴεσθαί γε χρή, ἐὰν τῷ ὄντι γε ᾖ, ὦ ἑταῖρε, φιλόσοφος: σφόδρα γὰρ αὐτῷ ταῦτα δόξει, μηδαμοῦ ἄλλοθι καθαρῶς ἐντεύξεσθαι φρονήσει ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἐκεῖ. εἰ δὲ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει, ὅπερ ἄρτι ἔλεγον, 5 οὐ πολλὴ ἂν ἀλογία εἴη εἰ φοβοῖτο τὸν θάνατον ὁ τοιοῦτος;
—πολλὴ μέντοι νὴ Δία, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς.

1 ἐκλυομένην: notice the present: ‘working out her deliverance’.
2 ὥσπερ δεσμῶν: Z. has ἐκ δεσμῶν
3 μάλιστα καὶ μόνοι: chiefly, nay only, the philosophers’.
4 τούτου δή: δέ, corr. Madvig. I follow Schanz in adopting δή, since the vulgate gives a somewhat ill-balanced sentence: thus we may translate, ‘if they are at feud with the body on every issue and desire to keep the soul to herself, then, should they fear and fret on attainment of this object, were it not the height of perversity, not to go thither with gladness, where on their arrival they hope to possess that which they loved all their life long? Z. and St. retain δέ.
5 ὅπερ ἄρτι ἔλεγον: referring to οὐ πολλὴ ἂν ἀλογία εἴη.


Phaedo, Part 13.

—“Then is it not,” said Sokrates, “a sufficient indication, when you see a man troubled because he is going to die, that he was not a lover of wisdom but a lover of the body? |68c| And this same man is also a lover of money and of honor, one or both.”
—“Certainly,” said he, “it is as you say.”
—“Then, Simmias,” he continued, “is not that which is called courage especially characteristic of philosophers?”
—“By all means,” said he.
—“And self-restraint—that which is commonly called self-restraint, which consists in not being excited by the passions and in being superior to them and acting in a seemly way—is not that characteristic of those alone who despise the body |68d| and pass their lives in philosophy?”
—“Necessarily,” said he.
—“For,” said Sokrates, “if you care to consider the courage and the self-restraint of other men, you will see that they are absurd.”
—“How so, Sokrates?”
—“You know, do you not, that all other men count death among the great evils?”
—“They certainly do.”
—“And do not brave men face death—when they do face it—through fear of greater evils?”
—“That is true.”
—“Then all except philosophers are brave through fear. And yet it is absurd to be brave through fear and cowardice.”
|68e| “Very true.”
—“And how about those of seemly conduct? Is their case not the same? They are self-restrained because of a kind of self-indulgence. We say, to be sure, that this is impossible, nevertheless their foolish self-restraint amounts to little more than this; for they fear that they may be deprived of certain pleasures which they desire, and so they refrain from some because they are under the sway of others. And yet being ruled by pleasures |69a| is called self-indulgence. Nevertheless they conquer pleasures because they are conquered by other pleasures. Now this is about what I said just now, that they are self-restrained by a kind of self-indulgence.”
—“So it seems.”
—“My dear Simmias, I suspect that this is not the right way to purchase virtue, by exchanging pleasures for pleasures, and pains for pains, and fear for fear, and greater for less, as if they were coins, but the only right coinage, for which all those things |69b| must be exchanged and by means of and with which all these things are to be bought and sold, is in fact wisdom; and courage and self-restraint and justice and, in short, true virtue exist only with wisdom, whether pleasures and fears and other things of that sort are added or taken away. And virtue which consists in the exchange of such things for each other without wisdom, is but a painted imitation of virtue and is really slavish and has nothing healthy or true in it; but truth is in fact a purification |69c| from all these things, and self-restraint and justice and courage and wisdom itself are a kind of purification. And I fancy that those men who established the mysteries were not unenlightened, but in reality had a hidden meaning when they said long ago that whoever goes uninitiated and unsanctified to the other world will lie in the mire, but he who arrives there initiated and purified will dwell with the gods. For as they say in the mysteries, ‘the thyrsus-bearers are many, but the mystics few’; |69d| and these mystics are, I believe, those who have been true philosophers. And I in my life have, so far as I could, left nothing undone, and have striven in every way to make myself one of them. But whether I have striven aright and have met with success, I believe I shall know clearly, when I have arrived there, very soon, if it is God’s will. This then, Simmias and Kebes, is the defence I offer to show that it is reasonable for me not to be grieved or troubled at leaving you and the rulers I have here, |69e| because I believe that there, no less than here, I shall find good rulers and friends. If now I am more successful in convincing you by my defence than I was in convincing my Athenian judges, it is well.”
  Phaedo 68b-69e, c. xiii. Therefore the philosopher alone is truly brave and temperate. The courage and temperance of the multitude is spurious: for they endure evils only to avoid greater evils, they forego pleasures only that they may enjoy greater pleasures; thus fear is the source of their courage, indulgence the source of their temperance. But the fount of all the real virtue is wisdom: this is the only true currency; virtues that arise from balancing pleasure against pleasure and pain against pain, apart from wisdom, are worthless and slavish. Virtue is the purification of the soul; the true philosopher is he whose soul is purified and initiated into the holy mysteries of wisdom, and he it is who shall dwell with the gods in the other world. Such is the defence of Sokrates.

Φαιδων, Part 13.

—οὐκοῦν ἱκανόν σοι τεκμήριον, ἔφη, τοῦτο ἀνδρός, ὃν ἂν ἴδῃς ἀγανακτοῦντα μέλλοντα ἀποθανεῖσθαι, ὅτι οὐκ ἄρ᾽ |68ξ| ἦν φιλόσοφος ἀλλά τις φιλοσώματος; ὁ αὐτὸς δέ που οὗτος τυγχάνει ὢν καὶ φιλοχρήματος καὶ φιλότιμος, 1 ἤτοι τὰ ἕτερα τούτων ἢ ἀμφότερα.
—πάνυ, ἔφη, ἔχει οὕτως ὡς λέγεις.
—ἆρ᾽ οὖν, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία, οὐ καὶ ἡ ὀνομαζομένη ἀνδρεία 2 τοῖς οὕτω διακειμένοις μάλιστα προσήκει;
—πάντως δήπου, ἔφη.
—οὐκοῦν καὶ ἡ σωφροσύνη, ἣν καὶ οἱ πολλοὶ ὀνομάζουσι σωφροσύνην, τὸ περὶ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας μὴ ἐπτοῆσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ὀλιγώρως ἔχειν καὶ κοσμίως, ἆρ᾽ οὐ τούτοις μόνοις προσήκει, τοῖς μάλιστα τοῦ σώματος ὀλιγωροῦσίν τε καὶ ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ ζῶσιν; |68δ| ἀνάγκη, ἔφη.
—εἰ γὰρ ἐθέλεις, 3 ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἐννοῆσαι τήν γε τῶν ἄλλων ἀνδρείαν τε καὶ σωφροσύνην, δόξει σοι εἶναι ἄτοπος.
—πῶς δή, ὦ Σώκρατες;
—οἶσθα, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὅτι τὸν θάνατον ἡγοῦνται πάντες οἱ ἄλλοι τῶν μεγάλων κακῶν;
—καὶ μάλ᾽, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν φόβῳ μειζόνων κακῶν ὑπομένουσιν αὐτῶν οἱ ἀνδρεῖοι τὸν θάνατον, ὅταν ὑπομένωσιν;
—ἔστι ταῦτα.
—τῷ δεδιέναι ἄρα καὶ δέει 4 ἀνδρεῖοί εἰσι πάντες πλὴν οἱ φιλόσοφοι: καίτοι ἄλογόν γε δέει τινὰ καὶ δειλίᾳ ἀνδρεῖον εἶναι.
|68ε| πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
—τί δὲ οἱ κόσμιοι αὐτῶν; οὐ ταὐτὸν τοῦτο πεπόνθασιν: ἀκολασίᾳ τινὶ σώφρονές εἰσιν; καίτοι φαμέν γε ἀδύνατον εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως αὐτοῖς συμβαίνει τούτῳ ὅμοιον τὸ πάθος τὸ περὶ ταύτην τὴν εὐήθη σωφροσύνην: φοβούμενοι γὰρ ἑτέρων ἡδονῶν στερηθῆναι καὶ ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἐκείνων, ἄλλων ἀπέχονται ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων κρατούμενοι. καίτοι καλοῦσί γε ἀκολασίαν |69α| τὸ ὑπὸ τῶν ἡδονῶν 5 ἄρχεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως συμβαίνει αὐτοῖς κρατουμένοις ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῶν κρατεῖν ἄλλων ἡδονῶν. τοῦτο δ᾽ ὅμοιόν ἐστιν ᾧ νυνδὴ ἐλέγετο, τῷ τρόπον τινὰ δι᾽ ἀκολασίαν αὐτοὺς σεσωφρονίσθαι.
—ἔοικε γάρ.
—ὦ μακάριε Σιμμία, μὴ γὰρ οὐχ αὕτη ᾖ ἡ ὀρθὴ πρὸς ἀρετὴν 6 ἀλλαγή, ἡδονὰς πρὸς ἡδονὰς καὶ λύπας πρὸς λύπας καὶ φόβον πρὸς φόβον καταλλάττεσθαι, καὶ μείζω πρὸς ἐλάττω ὥσπερ νομίσματα, ἀλλ᾽ ᾖ ἐκεῖνο μόνον τὸ νόμισμα ὀρθόν, ἀντὶ οὗ δεῖ πάντα ταῦτα καταλλάττεσθαι, φρόνησις, |69β| καὶ τούτου μὲν 7 πάντα καὶ μετὰ τούτου ὠνούμενά τε καὶ πιπρασκόμενα τῷ ὄντι ᾖ καὶ ἀνδρεία καὶ σωφροσύνη καὶ δικαιοσύνη καὶ συλλήβδην ἀληθὴς ἀρετή ᾖ, 8 μετὰ φρονήσεως, 9 καὶ προσγιγνομένων καὶ ἀπογιγνομένων καὶ ἡδονῶν καὶ φόβων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων τῶν τοιούτων: χωριζόμενα δὲ φρονήσεως καὶ ἀλλαττόμενα ἀντὶ ἀλλήλων μὴ σκιαγραφία 10 τις ᾖ ἡ τοιαύτη ἀρετὴ καὶ τῷ ὄντι ἀνδραποδώδης 11 τε καὶ οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς 12 οὐδ᾽ ἀληθὲς ἔχῃ, τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς 13 τῷ ὄντι ᾖ |69ξ|κάθαρσίς τις τῶν τοιούτων πάντων καὶ ἡ σωφροσύνη καὶ ἡ δικαιοσύνη καὶ ἀνδρεία, καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ φρόνησις μὴ καθαρμός τις ᾖ. καὶ κινδυνεύουσι καὶ οἱ τὰς τελετὰς 14 ἡμῖν οὗτοι καταστήσαντες οὐ φαῦλοί τινες εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι πάλαι αἰνίττεσθαι ὅτι ὃς ἂν ἀμύητος καὶ ἀτέλεστος εἰς Ἅιδου ἀφίκηται ἐν βορβόρῳ 15 κείσεται, ὁ δὲ κεκαθαρμένος τε καὶ τετελεσμένος ἐκεῖσε ἀφικόμενος μετὰ θεῶν οἰκήσει. εἰσὶν γὰρ δή, ὥς φασιν οἱ περὶ τὰς τελετάς, ‘ναρθηκοφόροι |69δ| μὲν πολλοί, βάκχοι δέ τε παῦροι:’ οὗτοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν δόξαν οὐκ ἄλλοι ἢ οἱ πεφιλοσοφηκότες ὀρθῶς. ὧν 16 δὴ καὶ ἐγὼ κατά γε τὸ δυνατὸν οὐδὲν ἀπέλιπον ἐν τῷ βίῳ ἀλλὰ παντὶ τρόπῳ προυθυμήθην γενέσθαι: εἰ δ᾽ ὀρθῶς προυθυμήθην καί τι ἠνύσαμεν, 17 ἐκεῖσε ἐλθόντες τὸ σαφὲς εἰσόμεθα, ἂν θεὸς ἐθέλῃ, ὀλίγον ὕστερον, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἐγώ, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, ἀπολογοῦμαι, ὡς εἰκότως ὑμᾶς τε ἀπολείπων καὶ τοὺς ἐνθάδε δεσπότας οὐ |69ε| χαλεπῶς φέρω οὐδ᾽ ἀγανακτῶ, ἡγούμενος κἀκεῖ οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ ἐνθάδε δεσπόταις τε ἀγαθοῖς ἐντεύξεσθαι καὶ ἑταίροις: [τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς ἀπιστίαν παρέχει]: 18 εἴ τι οὖν ὑμῖν πιθανώτερός εἰμι ἐν τῇ ἀπολογίᾳ ἢ τοῖς Ἀθηναίων δικασταῖς, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι.

1 φιλοχρήματος καὶ φιλότιμος: Cf. 82c: these correspond to the ὀλιγαρχικὸς and τιμοκρατικὸς ἀνὴρ of Republic IX.
2 ἡ ὀνομαζομένη ἀνδρεία: The philosopher faces death with calmness and abstains from bodily indulgence; therefore he is courageous and temperate even in the popular sense, although his courage and temperance arise from a widely different source to that of the vulgar. τοῖς οὕτω διακειμένοις, i.e. the character described in the preceding chapter, τοῖς τῷ σώματι διαβεβλημένοις.
3 ἐθέλεις: Z. has ἐθελήσεις.
4 τῷ δεδιέναι ἄρα καὶ δέει: Schanz well compares 78c τῷ μὲν συντεθέντι τε καὶ συνθέτῳ.
5 ἄλλων…ἡδονῶν: Schanz brackets ἄλλων, which, he says, is omitted in the citation of this passage by Iamblichos. I think however it is wanted.
6 πρὸς ἀρετὴν: ‘in respect to virtue’: the preposition is not used in quite the same sense as in the words that follow.
7 καὶ τούτου μὲν: ‘and that all that is bought for this and with this that and that alone is in reality, whether it be fortitude or temperance or justice; and in a word that true virtue only exists when accompanied by wisdom’. Cope, μετὰ τούτου = along with this: it is the presence of φρόνησις {phronesis, understanding} which gives all virtue its value. If we press the metaphor too hard, it breaks down; for money is of value only for the sake of what it can buy. Plato however merely means that φρόνησις {understanding} is the only true currency; all else is base coin.
8 ἀληθὴς ἀρετή ᾖ: I have followed Schanz, after Heindorf, in adding ᾖ after ἀρετή, although it is not in 69b, and is not absolutely required. But the ἀρετή of 69c-d is in favour of it, and it certainly improves the sentence. St. omits it.
9 μετὰ φρονήσεως: The true nature of the philosophic ἀρετὴ can only be understood by studying the latter part of the sixth book of the Republic. φρόνησις is cognition of the truth, that is, of the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν {one’s own good, personal good}. Plato found his escape from utilitarianism by identifying the source of morality with the source of existence; his ethics are the outcome of his ontology. All things are good in so far as they are like the idea of the good; therefore to him that would be really good knowledge of the idea is indispensable. With the conception of ἀνδρεία {andreía, courage, valor} in this passage compare the definition in Republic 442b-c Καὶ ἀνδρεῖον δὴ οἶμαι τούτῳ τῷ μέρει καλοῦμεν ἕνα ἕκαστον, ὅταν αὐτοῦ τὸ θυμοειδὲς διασῴζῃ διά τε λυπῶν καὶ ἡδονῶν τὸ ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων παραγγελθὲν δεινόν τε καὶ μή. {Republic 441d-b-c Each of us also in whom the several [soul] parts within him perform each their own task—he will be a just man and one who minds his own affair.…it belongs to the rational part to rule, being wise and exercising forethought in behalf of the entire soul, and to the principle of high spirit to be subject to this and its ally.…the blending of music and gymnastics will render them concordant, intensifying and fostering the one with fair words and teachings and relaxing and soothing and making gentle the other by harmony and rhythm.…And these two thus reared and having learned and been educated to do their own work in the true sense of the phrase, will preside over the appetitive part which is the mass of the soul in each of us and the most insatiate by nature of wealth. They will keep watch upon it, lest, by being filled and infected with the so-called pleasures associated with the body and so waxing big and strong, it may not keep to its own work perform each their own task—he will be a just man and one who minds his own affair but may undertake to enslave and rule over the classes which it is not fitting that it should, and so overturn the entire life of all.…these two, then, best keep guard against enemies from without also in behalf of the entire soul and body, the one taking counsel, the other giving battle, attending upon the ruler, and by its courage executing the ruler’s designs. Brave…we call each individual by virtue of this part in him, when, namely, his high spirit preserves in the midst of pains and pleasures the rule handed down by the reason as to what is or is not to be feared.…But wise by that small part that ruled in him and handed down these commands, by its possession in turn within it of the knowledge of what is beneficial for each and for the whole, the community composed of the three.}
10 σκιαγραφία: ‘a rough sketch’. σκιαγραφία was a kind of painting meant to produce its effect at a distance and not to be inspected close at hand: see Theaetetus 208e ἐπειδὴ ἐγγὺς ὥσπερ σκιαγραφήματος γέγονα τοῦ λεγομένου, συνίημι οὐδὲ σμικρόν· ἕως δὲ ἀφειστήκη πόῤῥωθεν, ἐφαίνετό τί μοι λέγεσθαι. Also Parmenides 165c-d οἷον ἐσκιαγραφημένα ἀποστάντι μὲν ἓν πάντα φαινόμενα ταὐτὸν φαίνεσθαι πεπονθέναι καὶ ὅμοια εἶναι. πάνυ γε. προσελθόντι δέ γε πολλὰ καὶ ἕτερα καὶ τῷ τοῦ ἑτέρου φαντάσματι ἑτεροῖα καὶ ἀνόμοια ἑαυτοῖς. Compare Republic 523b. From Aristotle Rhetoric III xii 1414a 8 it seems to have been a sort of scene-painting, as Mr. Cope translates it: ἡ μὲν οὖν δημηγορικὴ λέξις καὶ παντελῶς ἔοικεν τῇ σκιαγραφίᾳ: ὅσῳ γὰρ ἂν πλείων ᾖ ὁ ὄχλος, πορρώτερον ἡ θέα, διὸ τὰ ἀκριβῆ περίεργα καὶ χείρω φαίνεται ἐν ἀμφοτέροις {The deliberative style is exactly like a rough sketch, for the greater the crowd, the further off is the point of view}. Cf. Metaphysics Δ xxix 1024b 23 τὰ δὲ ὅσα ἔστι μὲν ὄντα, πέφυκε μέντοι φαίνεσθαι ἢ μὴ οἷά ἐστιν ἢ ἃ μὴ ἔστιν (οἷον ἡ σκιαγραφία καὶ τὰ ἐνύπνια: ταῦτα γὰρ ἔστι μέν τι, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὧν ἐμποιεῖ τὴν φαντασίαν). The meaning therefore is that on a superficial view the popular virtue seems identical with the philosophic, but on closer examination is found to fall far short of it.
11 ἀνδραποδώδης: cf. Republic 430b δοκεῖς μοι τὴν ὀρθὴν δόξαν περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων ἄνευ παιδείας γεγονυῖαν, τήν τε θηριώδη καὶ ἀνδραποδώδη, οὔτε πάνυ νόμιμον ἡγεῖσθαι, ἄλλο τέ τι ἢ ἀνδρείαν καλεῖν. Olympiodoros says καλεῖ δὲ ὁ Πλάτων τὰς μὲν φυσικὰς ἀνδραποδώδης, ὡς καὶ ἀνδραπόδοις δυναμένας ὑπάρχειν, τὰς δὲ ἠθικὰς σκιαγραφίας· τὸ ὅτι γὰρ μόνον ἔχουσι, σκιὰ δὲ τὸ ὅτι τοῦδιότι. The distinction between ἠθικαὶ and φυσικαὶ however is not made in the present passage. For a discussion of this whole subject of popular virtue see Appendix I.
12 οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς: After this some mss. insert εἶναι, which Schanz retains within brackets. It is obviously wrong and ought not to cumber the text.
13 τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς: ‘but the reality is actually a process of purification from all such things, and temperance and justice and wisdom itself are a completed purification’. τῶν τοιούτων, i.e. the worldly considerations on which the δημοτικὴ ἀρετὴ is based. κάθαρσίς is explained above in 67c; κάθαρσίς is a completed κάθαρσίς. Τὸ ἀληθὲς is opposed to σκιαγραφία.
14 τὰς τελετὰς: It seems probable, as Stallbaum says, that the Orphic traditions are in Plato’s mind, not the Eleusinian mysteries. The line πολλοί μὲν βάκχοι δέ τε παῦροι is said by Olympiodoros to be Orphic. Plato is fond of borrowing terms of ritual, as in Phaedrus 250c, Laws 759c, Timaeus 44c.
15 ἐν βορβόρῳ: cf. Republic 363d τοὺς δὲ ἀνοσίους αὖ καὶ ἀδίκους εἰς πηλόν τινα κατορύττουσιν ἐν Ἅιδου.
16 ὧν: ‘of whose number’.
17 ἠνύσαμεν: I have retained the reading of the best mss., which also seems to give the best sense: ‘if I have been right in my desire to join the company of philosophers, and if we (οἱ πεφιλοσοφηκότες) have profited aught by our philosophy’. In this way we avoid any harshness in the change from singular to plural. Schanz and Z. give ἠνυσάμην.
18 τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς ἀπιστίαν παρέχει: Ast is undoubtedly right in bracketing these words, which are utterly pointless, and clearly interpolated from 70a.


Phaedo, Part 14.

—When Sokrates had finished, Kebes answered and said: “Sokrates, I agree to |70a| the other things you say, but in regard to the soul men are very prone to disbelief. They fear that when the soul leaves the body it no longer exists anywhere, and that on the day when the man dies it is destroyed and perishes, and when it leaves the body and departs from it, straightway it flies away and is no longer anywhere, scattering like a breath or smoke. If it exists anywhere by itself as a unit, freed from these evils which you have enumerated just now, |70b| there would be good reason for the blessed hope, Sokrates, that what you say is true. But perhaps no little argument and proof is required to show that when a man is dead the soul still exists and has any power and intelligence.”
—“What you say, Kebes, is true,” said Sokrates. “Now what shall we do? Do you wish to keep on conversing about this to see whether it is probable or not?”
—“I do,” said Kebes. “I should like to hear what you think about it.”
—“Well,” said Sokrates, “I do not believe anyone who heard us now, |70c| even if he were a comic poet, would say that I am chattering and talking about things which do not concern me. So if you like, let us examine the matter to the end.
  Phaedo 69e-70c, c. xiv. All this were very well, replies Kebes, if we were sure that death did no more than release the soul from her bodily prison. But how do we know that on quitting the body she does not vanish away like a breath? we need some strong assurance that the soul has a conscious and intelligent existence after death. True, says Sokrates, and no more fitting subject of discourse could be found for one so near to death as I am.
  Thus we distinctly see that the question of the immortality of the soul turns up, not as the main subject of the dialogue, but as arising out of the principal thesis.

Φαιδων, Part 14.

—εἰπόντος δὴ τοῦ Σωκράτους ταῦτα, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Κέβης ἔφη: ὦ Σώκρατες, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ καλῶς λέγεσθαι, |70α| τὰ δὲ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς πολλὴν ἀπιστίαν παρέχει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μή, ἐπειδὰν 1 ἀπαλλαγῇ τοῦ σώματος, οὐδαμοῦ ἔτι ᾖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ διαφθείρηταί τε καὶ ἀπολλύηται ᾗ ἂν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἀποθνῄσκῃ, εὐθὺς ἀπαλλαττομένη τοῦ σώματος, καὶ ἐκβαίνουσα ὥσπερ πνεῦμα ἢ καπνὸς διασκεδασθεῖσα οἴχηται διαπτομένη καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι οὐδαμοῦ ᾖ. ἐπεί, εἴπερ εἴη που αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν συνηθροισμένη καὶ ἀπηλλαγμένη τούτων τῶν κακῶν ὧν σὺ νυνδὴ διῆλθες, πολλὴ ἂν εἴη ἐλπὶς καὶ καλή, ὦ |70β| Σώκρατες, ὡς ἀληθῆ ἐστιν ἃ σὺ λέγεις: ἀλλὰ τοῦτο δὴ ἴσως οὐκ ὀλίγης παραμυθίας 2 δεῖται καὶ πίστεως, ὡς ἔστι τε ψυχὴ 3 ἀποθανόντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καί τινα δύναμιν ἔχει καὶ φρόνησιν.
—ἀληθῆ, ἔφη, λέγεις, ὁ Σωκράτης, ὦ Κέβης: ἀλλὰ τί δὴ ποιῶμεν; ἢ περὶ αὐτῶν τούτων βούλει διαμυθολογῶμεν, εἴτε εἰκὸς οὕτως ἔχειν εἴτε μή;
—ἐγὼ γοῦν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, ἡδέως ἂν ἀκούσαιμι ἥντινα δόξαν ἔχεις περὶ αὐτῶν.
—οὔκουν γ᾽ ἂν οἶμαι, ἦ δ᾽ ὃς ὁ Σωκράτης, εἰπεῖν τινα νῦν |70ξ| ἀκούσαντα, οὐδ᾽ εἰ κωμῳδοποιὸς 4 εἴη, ὡς ἀδολεσχῶ 5 καὶ οὐ περὶ προσηκόντων τοὺς λόγους ποιοῦμαι. εἰ οὖν δοκεῖ, χρὴ διασκοπεῖσθαι.

1 μή, ἐπειδὰν: Various devices have been resorted to by several editors to avoid the intolerably harsh asyndeton in this sentence. The mildest remedy is that of Heindorf, who puts a comma after τοῦ σώματος, thus joining ἀπαλλαττομένη; with the previous clause. But it seems to me that we cannot divorce ἀπαλλαττομένη and ἐκβαίνουσα. Schanz brackets οἴχηται διαπτομένη καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι οὐδαμοῦ ᾖ, the last words closely resembling οὐδαμοῦ ἔτι ᾖ just above and being repeated verbatim at 84e. But this subsequent repetition seems really in their favour, where Sokrates is expressly referring to the apprehension which is uttered here and which then seems to have been lulled to rest. Moreover if these words are omitted the rhythm of the sentence halts lamentably. I agree with Hirschig in suspecting διαφθείρηταί τε καὶ ἀπολλύηται to be the intruders: the words are superfluous and suspiciously like a gloss.
2 παραμυθίας: ‘reassurance’. Cf. 115d ταῦτά μοι δοκῶ αὐτῷ ἄλλως λέγειν, παραμυθούμενος ἅμα μὲν ὑμᾶς, ἅμα δ᾽ ἐμαυτόν. And see Euthydemus 290a, Laws 720a, 773e.
3 ὡς ἔστι τε ψυχὴ: Note that there are two distinct propositions to be proved, (1) that the soul exists in Hades, (2) that she has faculties and intelligence.
4 κωμῳδοποιὸς: Notwithstanding the friendly treatment of Aristophanes in the Symposium we see in Apology 18b following, how deeply Plato resented the attacks made by the comedians upon Sokrates: cf. especially the reference to the Clouds in 19c.
5 Eupolis, quoted by Olympiodoros, calls Sokrates τὸν πτωχὸν ἀδολέσχην, and no doubt it was a favourile epithet with the comic poets. Plato has adopted the word, apparently in sheer defiance; and wherever ἀδολεσχεῖν, ἀ- δολέσχης, ἀδολεσχία occur in the dialogues, we may be sure the term is applied to the genuine philosopher. A very notable instance is Sophist 225 D, where in seeking the sophist we stumble upon somebody very like Sokrates: compare too Theaetetus 195 B, C, Phaedrus 269 E (where see Dr Thompson’s admirable note), Cratylus 401 B, Parmenides 135 Ὁ, Republic 488 E, Politicus 299 B. The strict meaning of the word is fairly given in οὐ περὶ προσηκόντων τοὺς λόγους ποιοῦ-μαι.


Phaedo, Part 15.

—“Let us consider it by asking whether the souls of men who have died are in the nether world or not. There is an ancient tradition, which we remember, that they go there from here and come back here again and are born from the dead. Now if this is true, if the living are born again from the dead, our souls would exist there, |70d| would they not? For they could not be born again if they did not exist, and this would be a sufficient proof that they exist, if it should really be made evident that the living are born only from the dead. But if this is not so then some other argument would be needed.”
—“Certainly,” said Kebes.
—“Now,” said he, “if you wish to find this out easily, do not consider the question with regard to men only, but with regard to all animals and plants, and, in short, to all things which may be said to have birth. Let us see with regard to all these, whether it is true that they are all born or generated |70e| only from their opposites, in case they have opposites, as for instance, the noble is the opposite of the disgraceful, the just of the unjust, and there are countless other similar pairs. Let us consider the question whether it is inevitable that everything which has an opposite be generated from its opposite and from it only. For instance, when anything becomes greater it must inevitably have been smaller and then have become greater.”
—“Yes.”
—“And if it becomes smaller, |71a| it must have been greater and then have become smaller?”
—“That is true,” said he.
—“And the weaker is generated from the stronger, and the slower from the quicker?”
—“Certainly.”
—“And the worse from the better and the more just from the more unjust?”
—“Of course.”
—“Then,” said he, “we have this fact sufficiently established, that all things are generated in this way, opposites from opposites?”
—“Certainly.”
—“Now then, is there between all these pairs of opposites what may be called |71b| two kinds of generation, from one to the other and back again from the other to the first? Between a larger thing and a smaller thing there is increment and diminution and we call one increasing and the other decreasing, do we not?”
—“Yes,” said he.
—“And similarly analyzing and combining, and cooling and heating, and all opposites in the same way. Even if we do not in every case have the words to express it, yet in fact is it not always inevitable that there is a process of generation from each to the other?”
—“Certainly” said he.
  Phaedo 70c-72d, cc. xv xvii. Tradition says that the souls of the dead come back from Hades and live again on earth. That this belief is reasonable we may argue in the following way. All nature shows the generation of opposite from opposite; thus greater arises from less, worse from better, swifter from slower. And between each of such pairs of opposites there are two processes, one in either direction; as between greater and less are increase and decrease, and similar processes between every other pair. Therefore since life and death are such a pair of opposites, we shall expect to find two similar processes between the living and the dead. We see one such process take place before our eyes; the living pass over to the dead: if then nature’s work is not here left incomplete, there must be the other process that we do not see, and the dead pass over to the living. A yet stronger confirmation is this: did all things travel in one direction and were there no return, in the end all living things would die and remain dead, and life would be swallowed up in death. But if it be true that souls return again from the dead, they must be somewhere after their departure from the body; for certainly if they perished utterly, they could return again no more.
  We have here one half of the first stage of the argument, which is complemented by the inference from reminiscence that follows. It is true, this argument of ἀνταπόδοσις {antapódosis, recompense} implies the ante natal existence of the soul, but it is used mainly as evidence of her existence after death. Note also that it proves ὡς ἔστιν ἡ ψυχὴ ἐν Ἅιδου, not ὡς δύναμιν καὶ φρόνησιν ἔχει.

Φαιδων, Part 15.

—σκεψώμεθα δὲ αὐτὸ τῇδέ πῃ, εἴτ᾽ ἄρα ἐν Ἅιδου εἰσὶν αἱ ψυχαὶ τελευτησάντων τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴτε καὶ οὔ. παλαιὸς μὲν οὖν ἔστι τις λόγος 1 οὗ μεμνήμεθα, ὡς εἰσὶν ἐνθένδε ἀφικόμεναι ἐκεῖ, καὶ πάλιν γε δεῦρο ἀφικνοῦνται καὶ γίγνονται ἐκ τῶν τεθνεώτων: καὶ εἰ τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει, πάλιν γίγνεσθαι ἐκ τῶν ἀποθανόντων τοὺς ζῶντας, ἄλλο τι ἢ εἶεν |70δ| ἂν αἱ ψυχαὶ ἡμῶν ἐκεῖ; οὐ γὰρ ἄν που πάλιν ἐγίγνοντο μὴ οὖσαι, καὶ τοῦτο ἱκανὸν τεκμήριον τοῦ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι, εἰ τῷ ὄντι φανερὸν γίγνοιτο ὅτι οὐδαμόθεν ἄλλοθεν γίγνονται οἱ ζῶντες ἢ ἐκ τῶν τεθνεώτων: εἰ δὲ μὴ ἔστι τοῦτο, ἄλλου ἄν του δέοι λόγου.
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης.
—μὴ τοίνυν κατ᾽ ἀνθρώπων, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, σκόπει μόνον τοῦτο, εἰ βούλει ῥᾷον μαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ ζῴων πάντων καὶ φυτῶν, 2 καὶ συλλήβδην ὅσαπερ ἔχει γένεσιν περὶ πάντων |70ε| ἴδωμεν ἆρ᾽ οὑτωσὶ γίγνεται πάντα, οὐκ ἄλλοθεν ἢ ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων τὰ ἐναντία, ὅσοις τυγχάνει ὂν τοιοῦτόν τι, οἷον τὸ καλὸν τῷ αἰσχρῷ ἐναντίον που καὶ δίκαιον ἀδίκῳ, καὶ ἄλλα δὴ μυρία οὕτως ἔχει. τοῦτο οὖν σκεψώμεθα, ἆρα ἀναγκαῖον ὅσοις ἔστι τι ἐναντίον, μηδαμόθεν ἄλλοθεν αὐτὸ γίγνεσθαι ἢ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτῷ ἐναντίου. 3 οἷον ὅταν μεῖζόν 4 τι γίγνηται, ἀνάγκη που ἐξ ἐλάττονος ὄντος πρότερον ἔπειτα μεῖζον γίγνεσθαι;
—ναί.
—οὐκοῦν κἂν ἔλαττον γίγνηται, ἐκ μείζονος ὄντος πρότερον |71α| ὕστερον ἔλαττον γενήσεται;
—ἔστιν οὕτω, ἔφη.
—καὶ μὴν ἐξ ἰσχυροτέρου γε τὸ ἀσθενέστερον καὶ ἐκ βραδυτέρου τὸ θᾶττον;
—πάνυ γε.
—τί δέ; ἄν τι χεῖρον γίγνηται, οὐκ ἐξ ἀμείνονος, καὶ ἂν δικαιότερον, ἐξ ἀδικωτέρου;
—πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
—ἱκανῶς οὖν, ἔφη, ἔχομεν τοῦτο, ὅτι πάντα οὕτω γίγνεται, ἐξ ἐναντίων τὰ ἐναντία πράγματα;
—πάνυ γε.
—ί δ᾽ αὖ; ἔστι τι καὶ τοιόνδε ἐν αὐτοῖς, οἷον μεταξὺ ἀμφοτέρων πάντων τῶν ἐναντίων δυοῖν ὄντοιν δύο γενέσεις, |71β| ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ ἑτέρου ἐπὶ τὸ ἕτερον, ἀπὸ δ᾽ αὖ τοῦ ἑτέρου πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ ἕτερον: μείζονος μὲν πράγματος καὶ ἐλάττονος μεταξὺ αὔξησις καὶ φθίσις, καὶ καλοῦμεν οὕτω τὸ μὲν αὐξάνεσθαι, τὸ δὲ φθίνειν;
—ναί, ἔφη.
—οὐκοῦν καὶ διακρίνεσθαι καὶ συγκρίνεσθαι, καὶ ψύχεσθαι καὶ θερμαίνεσθαι, καὶ πάντα οὕτω, κἂν εἰ μὴ 5 χρώμεθα τοῖς ὀνόμασιν ἐνιαχοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἔργῳ γοῦν πανταχοῦ οὕτως ἔχειν ἀναγκαῖον, γίγνεσθαί τε αὐτὰ ἐξ ἀλλήλων γένεσίν τε εἶναι ἐξ ἑκατέρου εἰς ἄλληλα; 6
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς.

1 παλαιὸς μὲν οὖν ἔστι τις λόγος: Herodotus II 123 states that the Egyptians believed in the immortality and transmigration of the soul, and adds: τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ εἰσὶ οἳ Ἑλλήνων ἐχρήσαντο, οἳ μὲν πρότερον οἳ δὲ ὕστερον, ὡς ἰδίῳ ἑωυτῶν ἐόντι: τῶν ἐγὼ εἰδὼς τὰ οὐνόματα οὐ γράφω {There are Greeks who have used this doctrine, some earlier and some later, as if it were their own; I know their names, but do not record them.}. He doubtless refers, as Grote says, to the Orphic and Pythagorean sects; to whom may be added Empedokles.
2 ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ ζῴων πάντων καὶ φυτῶν: It is true, as Olympiodoros remarks, that we cannot from this particular sentence infer τὸν Πλάτωνα πᾶσαν ψυχὴν ἀθανατίζειν. But since Olympiodoros implies that Plato did not hold all soul to be immortal, it may be as well to point out that he did; cf. Phaedrus 245 c. Moreover a glance at any passage treating of metempsychosis (e. g. Phaedrus 249b will show us that Plato was not so irrational as to deny immortality to the souls of beasts, while conceding it to those of men; and Timaeus 77a following, proves that he was not so unscientific as to draw a hard and fast line between animal and vegetable life.
  In the present passage Plato appeals to the uniformity of nature. If the presence of a given condition in any of the γιγνόμενα is the result of a γένεσις {génesis, origin, birth, source}, it must be a γένεσις from the opposite condition, where such an opposite exists: if a thing has become cold it must have been warm and so forth. We observe moreover that in all instances there exist γένεσις in both directions, whence we infer that alternation is a law of nature. And since we see that this law is in force in all cases which fall under our experience, it is fair to assume that it is in force in all cases where our experience fails us. Accordingly when between a pair of opposites we observe one occurring, while the other γένεσις is from the nature of things beyond our observation, we may infer that the latter also occurs though we cannot perceive it.
3 τοῦ αὐτῷ ἐναντίου: I see no necessity to read αὐτῷ with Z. from Baiter’s conjecture.
4 μεῖζον: The use of the comparative throughout denotes that the condition is the result of a γένεσις. We shall presently see the application of this. The positive, in such terms as μέγα—σμικρόν, ταχύ—βραδύ, though these all express relations, implies no self-regarding relation. We must therefore use the comparative to denote a relation between two successive conditions of the same object. But any positive which necessarily implied a relation of one and the same object to itself in another condition would answer just the same purpose as the comparative. Such a positive we actually find in the word τεθηκός, which logically implies ζῶν as a previous condition of the object. Therefore whatever generalisation we establish between μεῖζον—ἔλαττον, θᾶττον—βραδύτερον etc., holds good also of ζῶν and τεθηκός. And since we affirm that between every pair of these comparatives two γένεσεις take place, therefore between ζῶν and τεθηκός, besides the γένεσις that we see, viz. Ἀποθνήσκειν {apothnēskein, death}, there must be another γένεσις that we do not see, viz. Ἀναβιώσκεσθαι {regeneration, resurrection, to the living}; if we are to suppose that the operation of nature is uniform. The comparatives in fact show under what circumstances γένεσις take place, i.e. between opposite conditions of the same thing.
5 κἂν εἰ μὴ: i.e. the processes exist, even in those cases where we have no names to describe them. The argument is that were there no alternation of processes we should have all things at last stationary on one side or the other.
6 ἐξ ἀλλήλων γένεσίν τε εἶναι ἑκατέρου: Schanz brackets these words: they are not indeed necessary but the pleonasm seems to me Platonic, and their omission seriously impairs the rhythm.

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Phaedo, Part 16.

|71c| “Well then,” said Sokrates, “is there anything that is the opposite of living, as being awake is the opposite of sleeping?”
—“Certainly,” said Kebes.
—“What?”
—“Being dead,” said he.
—“Then these two are generated from each other, and as they are two, so the processes between them are two; is it not so?”
—“Of course.”
—“Now,” said Sokrates, “I will tell about one of the two pairs of which I just spoke to you and its intermediate processes; and do you tell me about the other. I say one term is sleeping and the other is being awake, and being awake is generated from sleeping, and sleeping from being awake, |71d| and the processes of generation are, in the latter case, falling asleep, and in the former, waking up. Do you agree, or not?”
—“Certainly.”
—“Now do you,” said he, “tell me in this way about life and death. Do you not say that living is the opposite of being dead?”
—“I do.”
—“And that they are generated one from the other?”
—“Yes.”
—“Now what is it which is generated from the living?”
—“The dead,” said he.
—“And what,” said Sokrates, “from the dead?”
—“I can say only one thing—the living.”
—“From the dead, then, Kebes, the living, both things and persons, |71e| are generated?”
—“Evidently,” said he.
—“Then,” said Sokrates, “our souls exist in the other world.”
—“So it seems.”
—“And of the two processes of generation between these two, the one is plain to be seen; for surely dying is plain to be seen, is it not?”
—“Certainly,” said he.
—“Well then,” said Sokrates, “what shall we do next? Shall we deny the opposite process, and shall nature be one-sided in this instance? Or must we grant that there is some process of generation the opposite of dying?”
—“Certainly we must,” said he.
—“What is this process?”
—“Coming to life again.”
—“Then,” said Sokrates, “if there be such a thing as |72a| coming to life again, this would be the process of generation from the dead to the living?”
—“Certainly.”
—“So by this method also we reach the conclusion that the living are generated from the dead, just as much as the dead from the living; and since this is the case, it seems to me to be a sufficient proof that the souls of the dead exist somewhere, whence they come back to life.”
—“I think, Sokrates, that results necessarily from our previous admissions.”

Φαιδων, Part 16.

|71ξ| Tί οὖν; ἔφη, τῷ ζῆν ἐστί τι ἐναντίον, ὥσπερ τῷ ἐγρηγορέναι τὸ καθεύδειν;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη.
—Tί; < br>—Tὸ τεθνάναι, ἔφη.
—Oὐκοῦν ἐξ ἀλλήλων τε γίγνεται ταῦτα, εἴπερ ἐναντία ἐστιν, καὶ αἱ γενέσεις εἰσὶν αὐτοῖν μεταξὺ δύο δυοῖν ὄντοιν;
—πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
—τὴν μὲν τοίνυν ἑτέραν συζυγίαν ὧν νυνδὴ ἔλεγον ἐγώ σοι, ἔφη, ἐρῶ, 1 ὁ Σωκράτης, καὶ αὐτὴν καὶ τὰς γενέσεις: σὺ δέ μοι τὴν ἑτέραν. λέγω δὲ τὸ μὲν καθεύδειν, τὸ δὲ ἐγρηγορέναι, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ καθεύδειν τὸ ἐγρηγορέναι γίγνεσθαι καὶ |71δ| ἐκ τοῦ ἐγρηγορέναι τὸ καθεύδειν, καὶ τὰς γενέσεις αὐτοῖν τὴν μὲν καταδαρθάνειν εἶναι, τὴν δ᾽ ἀνεγείρεσθαι. ἱκανῶς σοι, ἔφη, ἢ οὔ;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
—λέγε δή μοι καὶ σύ, ἔφη, οὕτω περὶ ζωῆς καὶ θανάτου. οὐκ ἐναντίον μὲν φῂς τῷ ζῆν τὸ τεθνάναι εἶναι;
—ἔγωγε.
—γίγνεσθαι δὲ ἐξ ἀλλήλων;
—ναί.
—ἐξ οὖν τοῦ ζῶντος τί τὸ γιγνόμενον;
—τὸ τεθνηκός, ἔφη.
—τί δέ, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἐκ τοῦ τεθνεῶτος; 2
—ἀναγκαῖον, ἔφη, ὁμολογεῖν ὅτι τὸ ζῶν.
—ἐκ τῶν τεθνεώτων ἄρα, ὦ Κέβης, τὰ ζῶντά τε καὶ οἱ ζῶντες γίγνονται;
|71ε| φαίνεται, ἔφη.
—εἰσὶν ἄρα, ἔφη, αἱ ψυχαὶ ἡμῶν ἐν Ἅιδου.
—ἔοικεν.
—οὐκοῦν καὶ τοῖν γενεσέοιν τοῖν περὶ ταῦτα ἥ γ᾽ ἑτέρα σαφὴς οὖσα τυγχάνει; τὸ γὰρ ἀποθνῄσκειν σαφὲς δήπου, ἢ οὔ;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη.
—πῶς οὖν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ποιήσομεν; οὐκ ἀνταποδώσομεν τὴν ἐναντίαν γένεσιν, ἀλλὰ ταύτῃ χωλὴ ἔσται ἡ φύσις; ἢ ἀνάγκη ἀποδοῦναι τῷ ἀποθνῄσκειν ἐναντίαν τινὰ γένεσιν;
—πάντως που, ἔφη.
—τίνα ταύτην; τὸ ἀναβιώσκεσθαι. οὐκοῦν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, εἴπερ ἔστι τὸ ἀναβιώσκεσθαι, ἐκ τῶν |72α| τεθνεώτων ἂν εἴη γένεσις εἰς τοὺς ζῶντας αὕτη, τὸ ἀναβιώσκεσθαι;
—πάνυ γε.
—ὁμολογεῖται ἄρα ἡμῖν καὶ ταύτῃ 3 τοὺς ζῶντας ἐκ τῶν τεθνεώτων γεγονέναι οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ τοὺς τεθνεῶτας ἐκ τῶν ζώντων, τούτου δὲ ὄντος ἱκανόν που ἐδόκει 4 τεκμήριον εἶναι ὅτι ἀναγκαῖον τὰς τῶν τεθνεώτων ψυχὰς εἶναί που, ὅθεν δὴ πάλιν γίγνεσθαι.
—δοκεῖ μοι, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐκ τῶν ὡμολογημένων ἀναγκαῖον οὕτως ἔχειν.

1 ἐγώ σοι, ἔφη, ἐρῶ: Sokrates pursues the same plan in 105b following, καὶ μή μοι ὃ ἂν ἐρωτῶ ἀποκρίνου, ἀλλὰ μιμούμενος ἐμέ.
2 ἐκ τοῦ τεθνεῶτος: It is necessary to remember the exact sense of the two opposites, according to the definition given in 64c καὶ εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ τεθνάναι, χωρὶς μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀπαλλαγὲν αὐτὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸ τὸ σῶμα γεγονέναι, χωρὶς δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος ἀπαλλαγεῖσαν αὐτὴν καθ᾽ αὑτὴν εἶναι. ζῶν then is applied to soul and body united, τεθνηκὸς to soul and body asunder. A very similar use of the word ζῶν is to be found in Sophocles Oedipus Colonus 999, οἷς ἐγὼ οὐδὲ τὴν πατρὸς|ψυχὴν ἂν οἶμαι ζῶσαν ἀντειπεῖν ἐμοί. The soul of Laios is certainly not regarded as extinct, therefore ζῶσαν can only mean ‘if it returned to bodily life.’
3 καὶ ταύτῃ: i.e. by demonstration as well as by tradition; cf. 70c.
4 ἐδόκει: 70d.

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Phaedo, Part 17.

—“Now here is another method, Kebes, to prove, as it seems to me, that we were right in making those admissions. |72b| For if generation did not proceed from opposite to opposite and back again, going round, as it were in a circle, but always went forward in a straight line without turning back or curving, then, you know, in the end all things would have the same form and be acted upon in the same way and stop being generated at all.”
—“What do you mean?” said he.
—“It is not at all hard,” said Sokrates, “to understand what I mean. For example, if the process of falling asleep existed, but not the opposite process of waking from sleep, |72c| in the end, you know, that would make the sleeping Endymion mere nonsense; he would be nowhere, for everything else would be in the same state as he, sound asleep. Or if all thing were mixed together and never separated, the saying of Anaxagoras, all things are chaos, would soon come true. And in like manner, my dear Kebes, if all things that have life should die, and, when they had died, the dead should remain in that condition, is it not inevitable that at last all things would be dead |72d| and nothing alive? For if the living were generated from any other things than from the dead, and the living were to die, is there any escape from the final result that all things would be swallowed up in death?”
—“I see none, Sokrates,” said Kebes. “What you say seems to be perfectly true.”
—“I think, Kebes,” said he, “it is absolutely so, and we are not deluded in making these admissions, but the return to life is an actual fact, and it is a fact that the living are generated from the dead and that the souls of the dead |72e| exist.”

Φαιδων, Part 17.

—ἰδὲ τοίνυν οὕτως, 1 ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, ὅτι οὐδ᾽ ἀδίκως ὡμολογήκαμεν, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ. εἰ γὰρ μὴ ἀεὶ 2 ἀνταποδιδοίη τὰ |72β| ἕτερα τοῖς ἑτέροις γιγνόμενα, ὡσπερεὶ κύκλῳ περιιόντα, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθεῖά τις 3 εἴη ἡ γένεσις ἐκ τοῦ ἑτέρου μόνον εἰς τὸ καταντικρὺ καὶ μὴ ἀνακάμπτοι πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ ἕτερον μηδὲ καμπὴν ποιοῖτο, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι πάντα τελευτῶντα τὸ αὐτὸ σχῆμα 4 ἂν σχοίη καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ πάθος ἂν πάθοι καὶ παύσαιτο γιγνόμενα;
—πῶς λέγεις; ἔφη.
—οὐδὲν χαλεπόν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἐννοῆσαι ὃ λέγω: ἀλλ᾽ οἷον εἰ τὸ καταδαρθάνειν μὲν εἴη, τὸ δ᾽ ἀνεγείρεσθαι μὴ ἀνταποδιδοίη γιγνόμενον ἐκ τοῦ καθεύδοντος, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι τελευτῶντα πάντ᾽ |72ξ| ἂν 5 λῆρον τὸν Ἐνδυμίωνα ἀποδείξειεν καὶ οὐδαμοῦ ἂν φαίνοιτο διὰ τὸ καὶ τἆλλα πάντα ταὐτὸν ἐκείνῳ πεπονθέναι, καθεύδειν. 6 κἂν εἰ συγκρίνοιτο μὲν πάντα, διακρίνοιτο δὲ μή, ταχὺ ἂν τὸ τοῦ Ἀναξαγόρου γεγονὸς εἴη, ‘ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα.’ 7 ὡσαύτως δέ, ὦ φίλε Κέβης, καὶ εἰ ἀποθνῄσκοι μὲν πάντα ὅσα τοῦ ζῆν μεταλάβοι, ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀποθάνοι, μένοι ἐν τούτῳ τῷ σχήματι τὰ τεθνεῶτα καὶ μὴ πάλιν ἀναβιώσκοιτο, ἆρ᾽ οὐ πολλὴ ἀνάγκη τελευτῶντα πάντα |72δ| τεθνάναι καὶ μηδὲν ζῆν; εἰ γὰρ ἐκ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων 8 τὰ ζῶντα γίγνοιτο, τὰ δὲ ζῶντα θνῄσκοι, τίς μηχανὴ μὴ οὐχὶ πάντα καταναλωθῆναι εἰς τὸ τεθνάναι;
—οὐδὲ μία μοι δοκεῖ, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀλλά μοι δοκεῖς παντάπασιν ἀληθῆ λέγειν.
—ἔστιν γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, παντὸς μᾶλλον οὕτω, καὶ ἡμεῖς αὐτὰ ταῦτα οὐκ ἐξαπατώμενοι ὁμολογοῦμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι τῷ ὄντι καὶ τὸ ἀναβιώσκεσθαι καὶ ἐκ τῶν τεθνεώτων τοὺς ζῶντας γίγνεσθαι καὶ τὰς τῶν τεθνεώτων ψυχὰς |72ε| εἶναι. 8

1 ἰδὲ τοίνυν οὕτως: In this chapter we have a statement of the fundamental principle on which not only the foregoing argument but all Plato’s reasoning in favour of immortality is based; viz. that the sum total of spirit is a constant quantity. Plato has seized upon this principle of conservation of energy as the only rational method of defending the indestructibility of soul: he has applied to spirit the axiom which previous philosophers laid down for matter; as Anaxagoras expresses γινώσκειν χρὴ ὅτι πάντα οὐδὲν ἐλάσσω ἔστιν οὐδὲ πλέω· οὐ γὰρ ἀνυστὸν πάντων πλέω εἷναι, ἀλλὰ πάντα ἴσα αἰεί{nothing comes into being or passes away, but there is mingling and separation of things that are. So they would be right to call coming into being mixture, and passing away separation}. Similarly the τύκνωσις καὶ ἀραίωσις {The process by which things grow is twofold, condensation (πύκνωσις) and rarefaction (ἀραίωσις)} of Anaximenes, the ὁδὸς ἄνω καὶ κάτω {The road up and the road down is one and the same} of Herakleitos, the σύγκρισις καὶ διάκρισις {condensation and dissolution; There is no substance of any of all the things that perish, nor any cessation for them of baneful death. They are only a mingling and interchange of what has been mingled. Substance is but a name given to these things by men} Empedokles, all implied that γένεσις was not creation out of nothing but a passing from one form into another. Cf. Aristotle Metaphysics XI vi 1062 b 23 τὸ γὰρ μηδὲν ἐκ μὴ ὄντος [25] γίγνεσθαι, πᾶν δ᾽ ἐξ ὄντος, σχεδὸν ἁπάντων ἐστὶ κοινὸν δόγμα τῶν περὶ φύσεως {that nothing comes from what is not, but everything from what is, is a doctrine common to nearly all natural philosophers}.
2 εἰ γὰρ μὴ ἀεὶ: ‘for if there were not a perpetual correspondence between the two in generation, just as if they revolved in a circle’. Cope. ἀνταποδίδοίη is here intransitive, as in Aristotle Meteorolgica xi 347b 32 ὡς δ’ ἐκεῖ χάλαζα, ἐνταῦθα οὐκ ἀνταποδίδωσι τὸ ὅμοιον. Cf. below 72b.
3 εὐθεῖά τις: This of course implies that the straight line is finite, i.e. there is not an indefinite quantity of soul in existence, nor can fresh souls be created out of nothing. Plato has taken his metaphor from the δίαυλος δρόμος.
4 τὸ αὐτὸ σχῆμα: compare Phaedrus 245d-e 77 ἢ πάντα τε οὐρανὸν [245e] πᾶσάν τε γῆν εἰς ἓν συμπεσοῦσαν στῆναι καὶ μήποτε αὖθις ἔχειν ὅθεν κινηθέντα γενήσεται.
5 πάντ᾽ ἂν: I have followed Schanz and others in supplying ἂν. ἀποδείξειεν could hardly stand without it, since the subject of φαίνοιτο is different. Z. omits it.
6 καθεύδειν: This seems to be a gloss, and it was condemned by Dobree: the editors however retain it.
7 ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα: The ὁμοιομερῆ of Anaxagoras, infinite in number and infinitely divisible, were mixed in formless confusion until νοῦς ἐλθὼν αὐτὰ διεκόσμησεν.
8 ἐκ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων: i.e. ἐκ τῶν μὴ τεθνεώτων, as Heindorf saw. If τὰ ζῶντα were derived from a reserve store of existence which had not passed through life and death, in time this store would be exhausted and all be absorbed in death. The converse is stated in Republic 611a τοῦτο μὲν τοίνυν, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, οὕτως ἐχέτω: εἰ δ᾽ ἔχει, ἐννοεῖς ὅτι [αἱ ψυχαὶ] ἀεὶ ἂν εἶεν αἱ αὐταί. οὔτε γὰρ ἄν που ἐλάττους γένοιντο μηδεμιᾶς ἀπολλυμένης, οὔτε αὖ πλείους: εἰ γὰρ ὁτιοῦν τῶν ἀθανάτων πλέον γίγνοιτο, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ θνητοῦ ἂν γίγνοιτο καὶ πάντα ἂν εἴη τελευτῶντα ἀθάνατα.
9 τὰς τῶν τεθνεώτων ψυχὰς εἶναι: After these words the mss. have καὶ ταῖς μέν γε [or μέν] ἀγαθαῖς ἄμεινον εἶναι, ταῖς δὲ κακαῖς κάκιον. The inconsequence of this stupid interpolation is so glaring that I have ejected the clause bodily from the text: its author, whose memory is sounder than his logic, was doubtless prompted by 63c πολὺ ἄμεινον τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἢ τοῖς κακοῖς. The words are retained by Hermann and the Zürich editors, bracketed by Stallbaum and Schanz.

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Phaedo, Part 18.

—“And besides,” Kebes rejoined, “if it is true, Sokrates, as you are fond of saying, that our learning is nothing else than recollection, then this would be an additional argument that we must necessarily have learned in some previous time what we now remember. But this is impossible if |73a| our soul did not exist somewhere before being born in this human form; and so by this argument also it appears that the soul is immortal.”
—“But, Kebes,” said Simmias, “what were the proofs of this? Remind me; for I do not recollect very well just now.”
—“Briefly,” said Kebes, “a very good proof is this: When people are questioned, if you put the questions well, they answer correctly of themselves about everything; and yet if they had not within them some knowledge and right reason, they could not do this. And that this is so is shown most clearly if you take them |73b| to mathematical diagrams or anything of that sort.”
—“And if you are not convinced in that way, Simmias,” said Sokrates, “see if you don’t agree when you look at it in this way. You are incredulous, are you not, how that which is called learning can be recollection?”
—“I am not incredulous,” said Simmias, “but I want just what we are talking about, recollection. And from what Kebes undertook to say I already begin to recollect and be convinced; nevertheless, I should like to hear |73c| what you were going to say.”
—“It was this,” said he. “We agree, I suppose, that if anyone is to remember anything, he must know it at some previous time?”
—“Certainly,” said he.
—“Then do we agree to this also, that when knowledge comes in such a way, it is recollection? What I mean is this: If a man, when he has heard or seen or in any other way perceived a thing, knows not only that thing, but also has a perception of some other thing, the knowledge of which is not the same, but different, are we not right in saying that |73d| he recollects the thing of which he has the perception?”
—“What do you mean?”
—“Let me give an example. Knowledge of a man is different from knowledge of a lyre.”
—“Of course.”
—“Well, you know that a lover when he sees a lyre or a cloak or anything else which his beloved is wont to use, perceives the lyre and in his mind receives an image of the boy to whom the lyre belongs, do you not? But this is recollection, just as when one sees Simmias, one often remembers Kebes, and I could cite countless such examples.”
—“To be sure you could,” said Simmias.
—”Now,” said he, |73e| “is that sort of thing a kind of recollection? Especially when it takes place with regard to things which have already been forgotten through time and inattention?”
—“Certainly,” he replied.
—“Well, then,” said Sokrates, “can a person on seeing a picture of a horse or of a lyre be reminded of a man, or on seeing a picture of Simmias be reminded of Kebes?”
—“Surely.”
—“And on seeing a picture of Simmias he can be reminded |74a| of Simmias himself?”
—“Yes,” said he.
  Phaedo 72e-76d, cc. xviii xxi. Kebes observes that another line of argument tends to show that our souls are immortal, the theory that learning is reminiscence. If questions are properly put, the right answers are elicited, showing that the knowledge sought exists in the mind of the respondent; as we see in the case of geometrical truths. For the satisfaction of Simmias Sokrates adds the following demonstration. Reminiscence we define as recalling to mind something we formerly knew but had forgotten. For instance, a lover on seeing a lyre thinks of his beloved who used the lyre; similarly a picture of a lyre or a horse may remind us of a man, a picture of Simmias may remind us of Kebes, or finally a picture of Simmias may remind us of Simmias himself: so that we see reminiscence may be effected either directly or indirectly. Now if it is effected directly, that is, if the object we perceive is similar to that which it calls to our minds, we cannot fail to notice how far the resemblance is exact. For example: we affirm that there is an idea of equality, which is called to our minds by our perception of sensibles which are equal. That this idea is something distinct from the equal sensibles is clear; for the sensibles may appear equal to one observer, unequal to another; but about the idea of equality no difference of opinion can exist. Now we are to observe that all sensible equals appear to us as falling short of the standard of absolute equality, which plainly shows that our knowledge of absolute equality is prior to our perception of the sensibles. And whereas (1) this sense of deficiency in the sensibles has been present so long as we have had any perceptions of them, (2) our perceptions of them date from the moment of our birth, it inevitably follows that our knowledge of the idea must have been acquired before our birth (75c). Now this of course applies to all ideas as well as to that of equality. Since then we have obtained this knowledge, two alter natives are open: either we are born in full possession of it and retain it through life, or we lose it at birth and gradually regain it. The first must be dismissed on this ground: if a man knows a thing he can give an account of it, but we see that men cannot give an account of the ideas: it follows then that the second alternative is true; we lose it, and all learning is but the recovery of it. And since our souls certainly did not acquire this, knowledge during their human life they must have gained it before our birth and at birth lost it.
  The argument from ἀνάμνησις {recollection, soul memory} proves the existence of the soul before birth; thus supplementing ἀνταπόδοσις which is chiefly used to show her existence after death. Moreover ἀνάμνησις shows, what ἀνταπόδοσις did not, that the soul δύναμιν καὶ φρόνησιν ἔχει apart from the body.

Φαιδων, Part 18.

—καὶ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης ὑπολαβών, καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνόν γε τὸν λόγον, ὦ Σώκρατες, εἰ ἀληθής ἐστιν, ὃν σὺ εἴωθας 1 θαμὰ λέγειν, ὅτι ἡμῖν ἡ μάθησις οὐκ ἄλλο τι ἢ ἀνάμνησις τυγχάνει οὖσα, καὶ κατὰ τοῦτον ἀνάγκη που ἡμᾶς ἐν προτέρῳ τινὶ χρόνῳ μεμαθηκέναι ἃ νῦν ἀναμιμνῃσκόμεθα. τοῦτο δὲ |73α| ἀδύνατον, εἰ μὴ ἦν που ἡμῖν ἡ ψυχὴ πρὶν ἐν τῷδε τῷ ἀνθρωπίνῳ εἴδει γενέσθαι: ὥστε καὶ ταύτῃ ἀθάνατον ἡ ψυχή τι ἔοικεν εἶναι.
—ἀλλά, ὦ Κέβης, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας ὑπολαβών, ποῖαι τούτων αἱ ἀποδείξεις; ὑπόμνησόν με: οὐ γὰρ σφόδρα ἐν τῷ παρόντι μέμνημαι.
—ἑνὶ μὲν λόγῳ, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, καλλίστῳ, ὅτι ἐρωτώμενοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι, ἐάν τις καλῶς ἐρωτᾷ, 2 αὐτοὶ λέγουσιν πάντα ᾗ ἔχει—καίτοι εἰ μὴ ἐτύγχανεν αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήμη ἐνοῦσα καὶ ὀρθὸς λόγος, οὐκ ἂν οἷοί τ᾽ ἦσαν τοῦτο ποιῆσαι 3—ἐπεί τοι [ἔπειτα] 4 |73β| ἐάν τις ἐπὶ τὰ διαγράμματα 5 ἄγῃ ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν τοιούτων, ἐνταῦθα σαφέστατα κατηγορεῖ 6 ὅτι τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει.
—εἰ δὲ μὴ ταύτῃ γε, ἔφη, πείθῃ, ὦ Σιμμία, ὁ Σωκράτης, σκέψαι ἂν τῇδέ πῄ σοι σκοπουμένῳ συνδόξῃ. ἀπιστεῖς γὰρ δὴ πῶς ἡ καλουμένη μάθησις ἀνάμνησίς ἐστιν;
—ἀπιστῶ μέν σοι ἔγωγε, ἦ δ᾽ ὃς ὁ Σιμμίας, οὔ, αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο, ἔφη, δέομαι παθεῖν 7 περὶ οὗ ὁ λόγος, ἀναμνησθῆναι. καὶ σχεδόν γε ἐξ ὧν Κέβης ἐπεχείρησε λέγειν ἤδη μέμνημαι καὶ πείθομαι: οὐδὲν μεντἂν ἧττον ἀκούοιμι νῦν πῇ σὺ ἐπεχείρησας λέγειν.
|73ξ| τῇδ᾽ ἔγωγε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς. ὁμολογοῦμεν γὰρ δήπου, εἴ τίς τι ἀναμνησθήσεται, δεῖν αὐτὸν τοῦτο πρότερόν ποτε ἐπίστασθαι.
—πάνυ γ᾽, ἔφη.
—ἆρ᾽ οὖν καὶ τόδε ὁμολογοῦμεν, ὅταν ἐπιστήμη παραγίγνηται τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ, ἀνάμνησιν εἶναι; λέγω δὲ τίνα τρόπον; τόνδε. ἐάν τίς τι [πρότερον] 8 ἢ ἰδὼν ἢ ἀκούσας ἤ τινα ἄλλην αἴσθησιν λαβὼν μὴ μόνον ἐκεῖνο γνῷ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἕτερον ἐννοήσῃ 9 οὗ μὴ ἡ αὐτὴ ἐπιστήμη ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλη, ἆρα οὐχὶ τοῦτο δικαίως λέγομεν ὅτι ἀνεμνήσθη, οὗ τὴν ἔννοιαν |73δ| ἔλαβεν;
—πῶς λέγεις;
—οἷον τὰ τοιάδε: ἄλλη που ἐπιστήμη ἀνθρώπου καὶ λύρας.
—πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
—οὐκοῦν οἶσθα ὅτι οἱ ἐρασταί, ὅταν ἴδωσιν λύραν ἢ ἱμάτιον ἢ ἄλλο τι οἷς τὰ παιδικὰ αὐτῶν εἴωθε χρῆσθαι, πάσχουσι τοῦτο: ἔγνωσάν τε τὴν λύραν καὶ ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ ἔλαβον τὸ εἶδος τοῦ παιδὸς οὗ ἦν ἡ λύρα; τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν ἀνάμνησις: ὥσπερ γε καὶ Σιμμίαν τις ἰδὼν πολλάκις κέβητος ἀνεμνήσθη, καὶ ἄλλα που μυρία τοιαῦτ᾽ ἂν εἴη.
—μυρία μέντοι νὴ Δία, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας. |73ε| οὐκοῦν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀνάμνησίς τίς ἐστι; μάλιστα μέντοι ὅταν τις τοῦτο πάθῃ περὶ ἐκεῖνα ἃ ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐπισκοπεῖν ἤδη ἐπελέληστο; 10
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη.
—ί δέ; ἦ δ᾽ ὅς: ἔστιν ἵππον γεγραμμένον ἰδόντα καὶ λύραν γεγραμμένην ἀνθρώπου ἀναμνησθῆναι, καὶ Σιμμίαν ἰδόντα γεγραμμένον κέβητος ἀναμνησθῆναι;
—πάνυ γε.
—οὐκοῦν καὶ Σιμμίαν ἰδόντα 11 γεγραμμένον αὐτοῦ Σιμμίου ἀναμνησθῆναι; |74α| ἔστι μέντοι, ἔφη.

1 ὃν σὺ εἴωθας: This must not be regarded as true of the historic Sokrates.
2 ἐάν τις καλῶς ἐρωτᾷ: Olympiodoros’ explanation of καλῶς deserves perpetuation: ὀρθῶς καὶ Πλατωνικῶς καὶ μὴ βωμολόχως. Plato’s views will be best understood by comparing Theaetetus 149a-151d with Republic 518b-d.
3 ποιῆσαι: I have followed Schanz in adopting Hirschig’s emendation. I cannot believe in such a construction as οἷοί τε ποιήσειν, and not a single instance has been adduced in its defence. The fact that κινδυνεύειν sometimes is followed by the future infinitive is quite irrelevant. Z. and St. have ποιήσειν.
4 ἐπεί τοι: So Heindorf for ἔπειτα. This seems absolutely required by the sense: surely the geometrical demonstrations are meant to furnish an instance, of what Kebes has just been saying, not an additional piece of evidence for ἀνάμνησις. H. Schmidt has much to say against Heindorf and for the vulgate; but the cogency of his argument is not proportionate to its length. ἔπειτα is retained by Z. St. and Schanz.
5 τὰ διαγράμματα: mathematical diagrams. The interrogation of the slave in Meno 82b following, is of course a case in point.
6 κατηγορεῖ: Subject the same as of ἄγῃ: it has been suggested that κατηγορεῖ is impersonal, but there is not a shadow of authority for such a use.
7 παθεῖν: mss. μαθεῖν, which is retained by Wohlrab and defended by Schmidt. But παθεῖν is so much more pointed and the alteration is so slight, that I have followed Schanz and most of the later editors in adopting it. ‘I desire personal experience of the very thing we are talking about’.
8 ἐάν τίς τι [πρότερον] It is possible to defend πρότερον, since the perception must precede the reminiscence. But there is no point in this, and the word seems to have crept in from πρότερόν ποτε ἐπίστασθαι above.
9 ἀλλὰ καὶ ἕτερον ἐννοήσῃ: This is probably the earliest mention of what has been known since Locke as ‘association of ideas’. Compare Aristotle περὶ μνήμης καὶ ἀναμνήσεως II 451b 16, where he refines upon the simple classification of Plato (ἀφ’ ὁμοίου καὶ ἀνομοίων) by starting the sequence ἀφ’ ὁμοίου καὶ ἐναντίου καὶ τοῦ σύνεγγυς: he deals too with the process as an act of volition.
10 ἐπελέληστο: Compare the definition in Laws 732b ἀνάμνησις δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐπιρροὴ φρονήσεως ἀπολειπούσης {where there is a constant efflux, there must also be a corresponding influx, and when wisdom flows away, the proper influx consists in recollection}.
11 οὐκοῦν καὶ Σιμμίαν ἰδόντα: The order in which these illustrations are arranged seems at first sight strange. For instead of working up from the simpler and more direct cases of association to the more complex, we have, as it were, a descending scale: it is surely more remarkable that the picture of a lyre should remind us of some particular human being than that a picture of Simmias should remind us of the living Simmias. But the explanation is simple, if we remember how Plato intends to apply his analogy. The particulars, by which we are reminded of the ideas, stand in much the same relation to the ideas as the painted Simmias to the real Simmias: hence by this arrangement of his examples Plato emphasises exactly the right form of the analogy. This is one of ten thousand proofs of the astonishing carefulness of Plato’s writing. Also it is worth noticing that although the relation between ideas and particulars is in the Phaedo, as in the Republic, still undefined (see 100d), this passage distinctly foreshadows the doctrine of μίμησις {mīmēsis, “to imitate”}, imitation cannot be the ideal, or true}, which is evolved in the Philebus and Timaeus.

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Phaedo, Part 19.

—“All these examples show, then, that recollection is caused by like things and also by unlike things, do they not?”
—“Yes.”
—“And when one has a recollection of anything caused by like things, will he not also inevitably consider whether this recollection offers a perfect likeness of the thing recollected, or not?”
—“Inevitably,” he replied.
—“Now see,” said he, “if this is true. We say there is such a thing as equality. I do not mean one piece of wood equal to another, or one stone to another, or anything of that sort, but something beyond that—equality in the abstract. Shall we say there is such a thing, or not?”
|74b| “We shall say that there is,” said Simmias, “most decidedly.”
—“And do we know what it is?”
—“Certainly,” said he.
—“Whence did we derive the knowledge of it? Is it not from the things we were just speaking of? Did we not, by seeing equal pieces of wood or stones or other things, derive from them a knowledge of abstract equality, which is another thing? Or do you not think it is another thing? Look at the matter in this way. Do not equal stones and pieces of wood, though they remain the same, sometimes appear to us equal in one respect and unequal in another?”
—“Certainly.”
—“Well, then, did absolute equals ever appear to you unequal or |74c| equality inequality?”
—“No, Sokrates, never.”
—“Then,” said he, “those equals are not the same as equality in the abstract.”
—“Not at all, I should say, Sokrates.”
—“But from those equals,” said he, “which are not the same as abstract equality, you have nevertheless conceived and acquired knowledge of it?”
—“Very true,” he replied.
—“And it is either like them or unlike them?”
—“Certainly.”
—“It makes no difference,” said he. “Whenever the sight of one thing |74d| brings you a perception of another, whether they be like or unlike, that must necessarily be recollection.”
—“Surely.”
—“Now then,” said he, “do the equal pieces of wood and the equal things of which we were speaking just now affect us in this way: Do they seem to us to be equal as abstract equality is equal, or do they somehow fall short of being like abstract equality?”
—“They fall very far short of it,” said he.
—“Do we agree, then, that when anyone on seeing a thing thinks, ‘This thing that I see aims at being like some other thing that exists, but falls short |74e| and is unable to be like that thing, but is inferior to it, he who thinks thus must of necessity have previous knowledge of the thing which he says the other resembles but falls short of?”
—“We must.”
—“Well then, is this just what happened to us with regard to the equal things and equality in the abstract?”
—“It certainly is.”
—“Then we must have had knowledge of equality |75a| before the time when we first saw equal things and thought, ‘All these things are aiming to be like equality but fall short.’”
—“That is true.”
—“And we agree, also, that we have not gained knowledge of it, and that it is impossible to gain this knowledge, except by sight or touch or some other of the senses? I consider that all the senses are alike.”
—“Yes, Sokrates, they are all alike, for the purposes of our argument.”
—“Then it is through the senses that we must learn |75b| that all sensible objects strive after absolute equality and fall short of it. Is that our view?”
—“Yes.”
—“Then before we began to see or hear or use the other senses we must somewhere have gained a knowledge of abstract or absolute equality, if we were to compare with it the equals which we perceive by the senses, and see that all such things yearn to be like abstract equality but fall short of it.”
—“That follows necessarily from what we have said before, Sokrates.”
—“And we saw and heard and had the other senses as soon as we were born?”
|75c| “Certainly.”
—“But, we say, we must have acquired a knowledge of equality before we had these senses?”
—“Yes.”
—“Then it appears that we must have acquired it before we were born.”
—“It does.”

Φαιδων, Part 19.

—ἆρ᾽ οὖν οὐ κατὰ πάντα ταῦτα συμβαίνει τὴν ἀνάμνησιν εἶναι μὲν ἀφ᾽ ὁμοίων, 1 εἶναι δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ ἀνομοίων;
—συμβαίνει.
—ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν γε ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμοίων ἀναμιμνῄσκηταί τίς τι, ἆρ᾽ οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον τόδε προσπάσχειν, ἐννοεῖν εἴτε τι ἐλλείπει τοῦτο κατὰ τὴν ὁμοιότητα εἴτε μὴ ἐκείνου οὗ ἀνεμνήσθη;
—ἀνάγκη, ἔφη.
—σκόπει δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, εἰ ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχει. φαμέν πού τι εἶναι ἴσον, οὐ ξύλον λέγω ξύλῳ οὐδὲ λίθον λίθῳ οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο τῶν τοιούτων οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ παρὰ ταῦτα πάντα ἕτερόν τι, αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον: φῶμέν τι εἶναι ἢ μηδέν;
|74β| φῶμεν μέντοι νὴ Δί᾽, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, θαυμαστῶς γε.
—ἦ καὶ ἐπιστάμεθα αὐτὸ ὃ ἔστιν;
—πάνυ γε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς.
—πόθεν λαβόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιστήμην; 2 ἆρ᾽ οὐκ ἐξ ὧν νυνδὴ ἐλέγομεν, ἢ ξύλα ἢ λίθους ἢ ἄλλα ἄττα ἰδόντες ἴσα, ἐκ τούτων ἐκεῖνο ἐνενοήσαμεν, ἕτερον ὂν τούτων; ἢ οὐχ ἕτερόν σοι φαίνεται; σκόπει δὲ καὶ τῇδε. 3 ἆρ᾽ οὐ λίθοι μὲν ἴσοι καὶ ξύλα ἐνίοτε ταὐτὰ ὄντα τῷ μὲν 4 ἴσα φαίνεται, τῷ δ᾽ οὔ;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
|74ξ| τί δέ; αὐτὰ τὰ ἴσα 5 ἔστιν ὅτε ἄνισά σοι ἐφάνη, ἢ ἡ ἰσότης ἀνισότης;
—οὐδεπώποτέ γε, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—οὐ ταὐτὸν ἄρα ἐστίν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ταῦτά τε τὰ ἴσα 6 καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον.
—οὐδαμῶς μοι φαίνεται, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—ἀλλὰ μὴν ἐκ τούτων γ᾽, ἔφη, τῶν ἴσων, ἑτέρων ὄντων ἐκείνου τοῦ ἴσου, ὅμως αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιστήμην ἐννενόηκάς τε καὶ εἴληφας; 7
—ἀληθέστατα, ἔφη, λέγεις.
—οὐκοῦν ἢ ὁμοίου ὄντος 8 τούτοις ἢ ἀνομοίου;
—πάνυ γε.
—διαφέρει δέ γε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, οὐδέν: ἕως ἂν ἄλλο ἰδὼν ἀπὸ |74δ| ταύτης τῆς ὄψεως ἄλλο ἐννοήσῃς, εἴτε ὅμοιον εἴτε ἀνόμοιον, ἀναγκαῖον, ἔφη, αὐτὸ ἀνάμνησιν γεγονέναι.
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
—τί δέ; ἦ δ᾽ ὅς: ἦ πάσχομέν τι τοιοῦτον περὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ξύλοις τε καὶ οἷς νυνδὴ ἐλέγομεν τοῖς ἴσοις; ἆρα φαίνεται ἡμῖν οὕτως ἴσα εἶναι ὥσπερ αὐτὸ τὸ ὃ ἔστιν, 99 ἢ ἐνδεῖ τι ἐκείνου 10 τῷ τοιοῦτον εἶναι 11 οἷον τὸ ἴσον, ἢ οὐδέν;
—καὶ πολύ γε, ἔφη, ἐνδεῖ.
—οὐκοῦν ὁμολογοῦμεν, ὅταν τίς τι ἰδὼν ἐννοήσῃ ὅτι βούλεται μὲν τοῦτο ὃ νῦν ἐγὼ ὁρῶ εἶναι οἷον ἄλλο τι τῶν ὄντων, |74ε| ἐνδεῖ δὲ καὶ οὐ δύναται τοιοῦτον εἶναι ἴσον οἷον ἐκεῖνο, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν φαυλότερον, ἀναγκαῖόν που τὸν τοῦτο ἐννοοῦντα τυχεῖν προειδότα ἐκεῖνο ᾧ φησιν αὐτὸ προσεοικέναι μέν, ἐνδεεστέρως δὲ ἔχειν;
—ἀνάγκη.
—τί οὖν; τὸ τοιοῦτον πεπόνθαμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἢ οὒ περί τε τὰ ἴσα καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον; παντάπασί γε.
—ἀναγκαῖον ἄρα ἡμᾶς προειδέναι τὸ ἴσον πρὸ ἐκείνου τοῦ |75α| χρόνου ὅτε τὸ πρῶτον ἰδόντες τὰ ἴσα ἐνενοήσαμεν ὅτι ὀρέγεται μὲν πάντα ταῦτα εἶναι οἷον τὸ ἴσον, ἔχει δὲ ἐνδεεστέρως.
—ἔστι ταῦτα.
—ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τόδε ὁμολογοῦμεν, μὴ ἄλλοθεν αὐτὸ ἐννενοηκέναι μηδὲ δυνατὸν εἶναι ἐννοῆσαι ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἐκ τοῦ ἰδεῖν ἢ ἅψασθαι ἢ ἔκ τινος ἄλλης τῶν αἰσθήσεων: ταὐτὸν δὲ πάντα ταῦτα λέγω. 12
—ταὐτὸν γὰρ ἔστιν, ὦ Σώκρατες, πρός γε ὃ βούλεται δηλῶσαι ὁ λόγος.
—ἀλλὰ μὲν δὴ ἔκ γε τῶν αἰσθήσεων δεῖ ἐννοῆσαι ὅτι |75β| πάντα τὰ ἐν ταῖς αἰσθήσεσιν 13 ἐκείνου τε ὀρέγεται τοῦ ὃ ἔστιν ἴσον, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐνδεέστερά ἐστιν: ἢ πῶς λέγομεν;
—οὕτως.
—πρὸ τοῦ ἄρα ἄρξασθαι ἡμᾶς ὁρᾶν καὶ ἀκούειν καὶ τἆλλα αἰσθάνεσθαι τυχεῖν ἔδει που εἰληφότας ἐπιστήμην αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἴσου ὅτι ἔστιν, εἰ ἐμέλλομεν τὰ ἐκ τῶν αἰσθήσεων ἴσα ἐκεῖσε ἀνοίσειν, ὅτι προθυμεῖται μὲν πάντα τοιαῦτ᾽ εἶναι οἷον ἐκεῖνο, ἔστιν δὲ αὐτοῦ φαυλότερα. 14
—ἀνάγκη ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—οὐκοῦν γενόμενοι εὐθὺς ἑωρῶμέν τε καὶ ἠκούομεν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας αἰσθήσεις εἴχομεν;
—πάνυ γε.
|75ξ| ἔδει δέ γε, φαμέν, πρὸ τούτων 15 τὴν τοῦ ἴσου ἐπιστήμην εἰληφέναι;
—ναί.
—πρὶν γενέσθαι ἄρα, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀνάγκη ἡμῖν αὐτὴν εἰληφέναι.
—ἔοικεν.

1 εἶναι μὲν ἀφ᾽ ὁμοίων: as in the last example of the previous chapter. Reminiscence of the ideas by means of the particulars is ἀνάμνησις ἀφ’ όμοίων {recollection of the similar}.
2 λαβόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιστήμην: This does not mean that the knowledge of the idea is derived from the particulars, which is in itself impossible and is contradictory to 75b: but the knowledge that we possess of the idea is awakened by the perception of the particulars. ἔννοια is the more accurate word used later on. Cf. 74c τὴν ἐπιστήμην ἐννενόηκάς τε καὶ εἴληφας. The simile of the aviary in Theaetetus 197d would not be unapt here: knowledge of the idea is our possession, but it is not actually in our grasp until awakened by ἀνάμνησις.
3 σκόπει δὲ καὶ τῇδε: The following sentences furnish proof of the independent existence of the idea; in 74d begins the proof that our knowledge of it must have been prior to our observation of the particulars.
4 τῷ μὲν: So Schanz with B. The ordinary reading is τοτὲ μὲν…τοτὲ δέ, which Schleiermacher approves on the ground that the defective equality of the particulars appears in their seeming to the same observer now equal now unequal. Prof. Geddes takes the same view: ‘Plato is not reasoning from the variety of judgments among men generally: his argumentation proceeds as if there was but one soul in the universe to hold converse with the outer world’. Surely this is quite unnecessary. The existence of a conflict of opinion is sufficient to establish the difference between the particulars and the idea: in the case of the latter no such conflict does or can exist. τοτὲ has inferior ms. support and is clumsy after ἐνίοτε.
5 αὐτὰ τὰ ἴσα: This very strange phrase has a parallel in Parmenides 129b εἰ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὰ τὰ ὅμοιά τις ἀπέφαινεν ἀνόμοια γιγνόμενα ἢ τὰ ἀνόμοια ὅμοια, τέρας ἂν οἶμαι ἦν. In the present passage various explanations have been given: (1) that of Olympiodoros, that the plural represents the idea as thought by several minds; this is adopted by most commentators: (2) that it represents the idea as exemplified in several sets of equal particulars; to this approximates the view of Schneider, that αὐτὰ τὰ ἴσα means the separate ideas of equal logs, equal stones etc. But whoever heard of the idea of an equal log? (3) Doederlein supposes that αὐτὰ τὰ ἴσα means perfectly equal objects, such as can be conceived but do not exist in nature. But this makes Sokrates ask ‘do things, which ex hypothesi seem to you equal, seem to you unequal?’ besides there is no point in the introduction of these imaginary equals. (4) Heindorf seems to me to come much nearer the truth. After quoting the Parmenides he adds ‘multitudinis numerus adhiberi in his potuit, quoniam aequalitatis vel similitudinis notio non unum continet, sed ad duo certe refertur’. When Plato asks ‘does the idea of equality seem equal or unequal?’ the implied comparison compels him perforce to use the plural; not that he thinks there are more ideas of equality than one, but because to ask whether one thing is equal or unequal is sheer nonsense. He immediately explains the unusual phrase in the following words, ‘I mean, does equality ever appear to you inequality?’ By the time Plato wrote the Parmenides he had got rid of these unfortunate ideas of relations: for in the passage quoted Sokrates is stating the earlier form of the ideal theory: and probably he there used the plural not without the intention of pointing to the contradiction which such ideas involve. Schleiermacher takes αὐτὰ τὰ ἴσα to be the particulars; but his explanation is in itself very unsatisfactory and requires an alteration of the text.
6 ταῦτά τε τὰ ἴσα: i.e. the equal particulars.
7 ἐννενόηκάς τε καὶ εἴληφας: ‘you have recalled and gained’; see on 73 C.
8 [οὐκοῦν ἢ ὁμοίου ὄντος]: From the passage enclosed in brackets I have utterly failed to extract any meaning. Plato has just completed his proof that equal particulars carry back our minds to an idea of equality which is distinct from the particulars: next he is about to show that our knowledge of the idea must have been prior to our observation of the particulars. But between these two necessary links in his argument we find interposed an irrelevant remark to the effect that the process is called ἀνάμνησις whether the object of perception is like or unlike the object of reminiscence. In the present context the repeated definition of ἀνάμνησις is surely pointless; and worse than pointless is the reintroduction of the ὅμοιον καὶ ἀνόμοιον: for the reminiscence of the idea by means of the particulars is necessarily ἀφ᾽ὁμοίου. I am therefore compelled to treat the words πάνυ μὲν οὖν as an interpolation: a conclusion at which I find Susemihl and Schmidt have also arrived. Stallbaum has an elaborate defence of the words, which might possibly have been more successful had he understood the difficulty. Prof. Geddes (not however on this passage) suggests that particulars may remind us of other ideas besides that to which they belong. But the whole force of the argument comes from the fact that this kind of reminiscence is ἀφ᾽ὁμοίου, for in this case alone are we conscious of a defect in the resemblance (74a); and our consciousness of this defect is our sole warrant for inferring that we must have known the ideas before we perceived the particulars (74e).
9 ὥσπερ αὐτὸ τὸ ὃ ἔστιν: St. adds ἴσον, which Z. has within brackets: but the word is absent in the best mss.
10 ἢ ἐνδεῖ τι ἐκείνου: ‘or does it fall short of the idea, that is of being similar to it.’ This is the reading of Schanz, which seems quite satisfactory and is very close to the mss. The common reading is τῷ μὴ τοιοῦτον εἶναι, which is excellent sense, but μὴ is almost destitute of authority. Madvig would read ἐκείνῷ τῷ τοιοῦτον εἶναι, ‘does there lack anything to that quality of being like’: a specimen of Greek composition which one would not rashly impute to Plato.
11 τοιοῦτον εἶναι: The mss. Add ἴσον, which is clearly a gloss. Schanz retains it within brackets.
12 ταὐτὸν δὲ πάντα ταῦτα λέγω: ‘I count all these sensations as the same thing’; as is shown by the following sentence; not, as Wagner says, ‘I say the same of all these.’
13 πάντα τὰ ἐν ταῖς αἰσθήσεσιν: Since all sensuous perceptions do not remind us of equality, Madvig would insert ἴσα after αἰσθήσεσιν, Schanz brackets ἴσον. Against bracketing ἴσον I would urge that it is premature to apply the present argument to all ideas: that is first done in 75c: while the notion of equals so exclusively engrosses our attention throughout the present chapter that Madvig’s insertion seems needless.
14 ὅτι προθυμεῖται μὲν πάντα τοιαῦτ᾽ εἶναι οἷον ἐκεῖνο, ἔστιν δὲ αὐτοῦ φαυλότερα: Schanz following Hirschig brackets these words: Dr. Jackson independently takes the same view. The objections to them are (1) that they are irrelevant and inapposite, (2) that the use of προθυμεῖται is most strange. I fully acquiesce in the judgment of these scholars that the clause is an unintelligent gloss upon ἐκεῖσε.
15 πρὸ τούτων: i.e. before our perceptions of sight, hearing, etc.

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Phaedo, Part 20.

—“Now if we had acquired that knowledge before we were born, and were born with it, we knew before we were born and at the moment of birth not only the equal and the greater and the less, but all such abstractions? For our present argument is no more concerned with the equal than with absolute beauty and the absolute good and the just and the holy, and, in short, |75d| with all those things which we stamp with the seal of absolute in our dialectic process of questions and answers; so that we must necessarily have acquired knowledge of all these before our birth.”
—“That is true.”
—“And if after acquiring it we have not, in each case, forgotten it, we must always be born knowing these things, and must know them throughout our life; for to know is to have acquired knowledge and to have retained it without losing it, and the loss of knowledge is just what we mean when we speak of forgetting, is it not, Simmias?”
—“Certainly, |75e| Sokrates,” said he.
—“But, I suppose, if we acquired knowledge before we were born and lost it at birth, but afterwards by the use of our senses regained the knowledge which we had previously possessed, would not the process which we call learning really be recovering knowledge which is our own? And should we be right in calling this recollection?”
—“Assuredly.”
—“For we found that it is possible, |76a| on perceiving a thing by the sight or the hearing or any other sense, to call to mind from that perception another thing which had been forgotten, which was associated with the thing perceived, whether like it or unlike it; so that, as I said, one of two things is true, either we are all born knowing these things and know them all our lives, or afterwards, those who are said to learn merely remember, and learning would then be recollection.”
—“That is certainly true, Sokrates.”

Φαιδων, Part 20.

—οὐκοῦν εἰ μὲν λαβόντες 1 αὐτὴν πρὸ τοῦ γενέσθαι ἔχοντες ἐγενόμεθα, ἠπιστάμεθα καὶ πρὶν γενέσθαι καὶ εὐθὺς γενόμενοι οὐ μόνον τὸ ἴσον καὶ τὸ μεῖζον καὶ τὸ ἔλαττον ἀλλὰ καὶ ξύμπαντα τὰ τοιαῦτα; οὐ γὰρ περὶ τοῦ ἴσου νῦν ὁ λόγος ἡμῖν μᾶλλόν τι ἢ καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ |75δ| ἀγαθοῦ καὶ δικαίου καὶ ὁσίου καί, ὅπερ λέγω, 2 περὶ ἁπάντων οἷς ἐπισφραγιζόμεθα 3 τὸ ‘αὐτὸ ὃ ἔστι’ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἐρωτήσεσιν ἐρωτῶντες καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσιν ἀποκρινόμενοι. ὥστε ἀναγκαῖον ἡμῖν 4 τούτων πάντων τὰς ἐπιστήμας πρὸ τοῦ γενέσθαι εἰληφέναι.
—ἔστι ταῦτα.
—καὶ εἰ μέν γε λαβόντες ἑκάστοτε 5 μὴ ἐπιλελήσμεθα, εἰδότας ἀεὶ γίγνεσθαι καὶ ἀεὶ διὰ βίου εἰδέναι: τὸ γὰρ εἰδέναι τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν, λαβόντα του ἐπιστήμην ἔχειν καὶ μὴ ἀπολωλεκέναι: ἢ οὐ τοῦτο λήθην λέγομεν, ὦ Σιμμία, ἐπιστήμης ἀποβολήν;
|75ε| πάντως δήπου, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—εἰ δέ γε οἶμαι λαβόντες πρὶν γενέσθαι γιγνόμενοι ἀπωλέσαμεν, ὕστερον δὲ ταῖς αἰσθήσεσι χρώμενοι περὶ ταῦτα 6 ἐκείνας ἀναλαμβάνομεν τὰς ἐπιστήμας ἅς ποτε καὶ πρὶν εἴχομεν, ἆρ᾽ οὐχ ὃ καλοῦμεν μανθάνειν οἰκείαν 7 ἂν ἐπιστήμην ἀναλαμβάνειν εἴη; τοῦτο δέ που ἀναμιμνῄσκεσθαι λέγοντες ὀρθῶς ἂν λέγοιμεν;
—πάνυ γε.
|76α| δυνατὸν γὰρ δὴ τοῦτό γε ἐφάνη, 8 αἰσθόμενόν τι ἢ ἰδόντα ἢ ἀκούσαντα ἤ τινα ἄλλην αἴσθησιν λαβόντα ἕτερόν τι ἀπὸ τούτου 9 ἐννοῆσαι ὃ ἐπελέληστο, ᾧ τοῦτο ἐπλησίαζεν ἀνόμοιον ὂν ἢ ᾧ ὅμοιον: ὥστε, ὅπερ λέγω, δυοῖν θάτερα, ἤτοι ἐπιστάμενοί γε αὐτὰ γεγόναμεν καὶ ἐπιστάμεθα διὰ βίου πάντες, ἢ ὕστερον, οὕς φαμεν μανθάνειν, οὐδὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἀναμιμνῄσκονται οὗτοι, καὶ ἡ μάθησις ἀνάμνησις ἂν εἴη.
—καὶ μάλα δὴ οὕτως ἔχει, ὦ Σώκρατες.

1 οὐκοῦν εἰ μὲν λαβόντες: ‘if then, having received this knowledge before birth, we were born in possession of it.’ As yet Plato is merely putting the case, without expressing an opinion about it: presently we shall find that we were not born possessing it, except in a dormant state. We now go on to apply the results gained for ἴσον to all the other ideas.
2 ὅπερ λέγω: just above, ξύμπαντα τὰ τοιαῦτα.
3 οἷς ἐπισφραγιζόμεθα: ‘on which we stamp the character of essence.’ ὃ ἔστι’ is Plato’s technical term to denote the essentiality of the ideas. Plato never descends to forms like αὐτοάνθρωπος, which are common in Aristotle: he would say αὐτὸ ὃ ἔστιν ἄνθρωπος.
4 ἐν ταῖς ἐρωτήσεσιν ἐρωτῶντες καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσιν ἀποκρινόμενοι: i.e. in our dialectical discussions. The conversational method was as distinctive a peculiarity of the form as the ideal theory was of the substance of Plato’s philosophy; and so intimately are the two connected that διαλεκτική, properly ‘the science of dialogue,’ means nothing less than ‘the science of ideas.’ The Sokratic method of examination was distinctly aimed at obtaining a definition or λόγος of the object in question; and this definition was peculiarly the outcome of the method. Plato, in developing the logical concept into a metaphysical essence, scrupulously preserved the method by which the former was attained.
5 ἀναγκαῖον ἡμῖν: Z. adds εἶναι with some mss.
6 ἑκάστοτε: i.e. ‘and if after receiving it we have not, in every instance of our doing so, forgotten it, we are always born in possession of this knowledge and retain it through life.’ I do not think it necessary to insert γιγνόμενοι after ἑκάστοτε with Heindorf, although I fully agree with his interpretation. Prof. Geddes’ rendering can hardly stand, and he, rather than Heindorf, seems to have mistaken the argument. ‘If we have,’ he says, ‘in all the crises of our history, retained this knowledge.’ But Plato does not say ‘if we have retained,’ but ‘if we have not forgotten’: and though it is sense to say ‘if we have retained it in all the crises,’ it is not sense to say ‘if we have not forgotten it in all the crises’; since we have forgotten it once for all, and that, as Heindorf says, at our birth. I think in fact that ἑκάστοτε is to be taken in close connexion with λαβόντες: ‘in every instance of our receiving it, we have not forgotten.’ (Prof. Geddes is also scarcely accurate in saying that ἐπιστήμη is ἀνάμνησις: Plato says μάθησις is ἀνάμνησις, which is another thing.) The perfect ἐπιλελήσμεθα, as Wohlrab rightly observes, shows that Plato still expresses no opinion.
7 περὶ ταῦτα: This reading seems necessary, although αὐτὰ has stronger ms. authority, ταῦτα means the objects of sense, in antithesis to ἐκείνας. Wohlrab retains αὐτὰ but does not inform us how he proposes to make sense of it.
8 οἰκείαν: ‘a knowledge that is already ours.’
9 ἐφάνη: in 73c.
10 ἕτερόν τι ἀπὸ τούτου: ‘to derive from this a conception of something different that he had forgotten, with which this was associated, whether unlike or like.’—Cope. ᾧ refers to ἕτερόν τι ἐπιλελήστο, τοῦτο to τούτου. I see no sufficient reason for bracketing the second ᾧ with Schanz. Here there is nothing amiss in the introduction of the ὅμοιον and ἀνόμοιον, for Plato is expressly repeating the statement in 73c.

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Phaedo, Part 21.

—“Which then do you choose, Simmias? Were we born |76b| with the knowledge, or do we recollect afterwards things of which we had acquired knowledge before our birth?”
—“I cannot choose at this moment, Sokrates.”
—“How about this question? You can choose and you have some opinion about it: When a man knows, can he give an account of what he knows or not?”
—“Certainly he can, Sokrates.”
—“And do you think that everyone can give an account of the matters about which we have just been talking?”
—“I wish they might,” said Simmias; “but on the contrary I fear that tomorrow, at this time, there will be no longer any man living who is able to do so properly.”
|76c| “Then, Simmias, you do not think all men know these things?”
—“By no means.”
—“Then they recollect the things they once learned?”
—“Necessarily.”
—“When did our souls acquire the knowledge of them? Surely not after we were born as human beings.”
—“Certainly not.”
—“Then previously.”
—“Yes.”
—“Then, Simmias, the souls existed previously, before they were in human form, apart from bodies, and they had intelligence.”
—“Unless, Sokrates, we acquire these ideas at the moment of birth; for that time |76d| still remains.”
—“Very well, my friend. But at what other time do we lose them? For we are surely not born with them, as we just now agreed. Do we lose them at the moment when we receive them, or have you some other time to suggest?”
—“None whatever, Sokrates. I did not notice that I was talking nonsense.”

Φαιδων, Part 21.

—πότερον οὖν αἱρῇ, ὦ Σιμμία; ἐπισταμένους ἡμᾶς γεγονέναι, |76β| ἢ ἀναμιμνῄσκεσθαι ὕστερον ὧν πρότερον ἐπιστήμην εἰληφότες ἦμεν;
—οὐκ ἔχω, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἑλέσθαι.
—τί δέ; τόδε ἔχεις ἑλέσθαι, καὶ πῇ σοι δοκεῖ περὶ αὐτοῦ; ἀνὴρ ἐπιστάμενος περὶ ὧν ἐπίσταται ἔχοι ἂν δοῦναι λόγον 1 ἢ οὔ;
—πολλὴ ἀνάγκη, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—ἦ καὶ δοκοῦσί σοι πάντες ἔχειν διδόναι λόγον περὶ τούτων 2 ὧν νυνδὴ ἐλέγομεν;
—βουλοίμην μεντἄν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας: ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον φοβοῦμαι μὴ αὔριον τηνικάδε οὐκέτι ᾖ ἀνθρώπων οὐδεὶς ἀξίως οἷός τε τοῦτο ποιῆσαι.
|76ξ| οὐκ ἄρα δοκοῦσί σοι ἐπίστασθαί γε, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία, πάντες αὐτά;
—οὐδαμῶς.
—ἀναμιμνῄσκονται ἄρα ἅ ποτε ἔμαθον;
—ἀνάγκη.
—πότε λαβοῦσαι αἱ ψυχαὶ ἡμῶν τὴν ἐπιστήμην αὐτῶν; οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἀφ᾽ οὗ γε ἄνθρωποι γεγόναμεν.
—οὐ δῆτα.
—πρότερον ἄρα.
—ναί.
—ἦσαν ἄρα, ὦ Σιμμία, αἱ ψυχαὶ καὶ πρότερον, πρὶν εἶναι ἐν ἀνθρώπου εἴδει, χωρὶς σωμάτων, 3 καὶ φρόνησιν εἶχον.
—εἰ μὴ ἄρα ἅμα γιγνόμενοι λαμβάνομεν, ὦ Σώκρατες, ταύτας τὰς ἐπιστήμας: οὗτος γὰρ λείπεται ἔτι ὁ χρόνος.
|76δ| εἶεν, ὦ ἑταῖρε: ἀπόλλυμεν δὲ 4 αὐτὰς ἐν ποίῳ ἄλλῳ χρόνῳ;—οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἔχοντές γε αὐτὰς γιγνόμεθα, ὡς ἄρτι ὡμολογήσαμεν—ἢ ἐν τούτῳ ἀπόλλυμεν ἐν ᾧπερ καὶ λαμβάνομεν; ἢ ἔχεις ἄλλον τινὰ εἰπεῖν χρόνον;
—οὐδαμῶς, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀλλὰ ἔλαθον ἐμαυτὸν οὐδὲν εἰπών.

1δοῦναι λόγον: ‘to give an account’; that is an accurate description of the thing defined, marking its logical differentia. A passage quoted by Wohlrab, Republic 534b, explains the phrase very well: ἦ καὶ διαλεκτικὸν καλεῖς τὸν λόγον ἑκάστου λαμβάνοντα τῆς οὐσίας; καὶ τὸν μὴ ἔχοντα, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἂν μὴ ἔχῃ λόγον αὑτῷ τε καὶ ἄλλῳ διδόναι, κατὰ τοσοῦτον νοῦν περὶ τούτου οὐ φήσεις ἔχειν; where we may translate λόγον τῆς οὐσίας ‘the principle of its being.’ Compare also 531e. Below, 99e, there will be more to say about λόγος.
2 περὶ τούτων: i.e. the ideas.
3 χωρὶς σωμάτων: This does not necessarily follow: Plato however simply means apart from the human bodies in which they now dwell: cf. 114c, where the purified souls are said to live ἄνευ σωμάτων τὸ παράπαν, although the conditions of their existence are obviously conceived as material. The body from which they are freed by death is the γήϊνον σῶμα of Phaedrus 246c. In the following words καὶ φρόνησιν εἶχον Plato marks the additional result he has gained by the appeal to anamnesis.
4 ἀπόλλυμεν δὲ: Simmias suggests that the knowledge may be acquired just at the moment of birth; Sokrates replies, it is impossible, for that is the very moment at which we lose it: we cannot gain and lose it simultaneously. Compare Republic 621a, where the souls that are on the point of returning to earth must drink of the river Ameles. In comparing this passage, as Prof. Geddes does, with Wordsworth’s famous ode, it ought not to be left out of sight that there is a fundamental opposition between them. According to Wordsworth we are born with the ante-natal radiance clinging about us and spend our lives in gradually losing it; according to Plato we lose the vision at birth and spend our lives in gradually recovering it.

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Phaedo, Part 22

—“Then, Simmias,” said he, “is this the state of the case? If, as we are always saying, the beautiful exists, and the good, and every essence of that kind, and if we refer all our sensations to these, |76e| which we find existed previously and are now ours, and compare our sensations with these, is it not a necessary inference that just as these abstractions exist, so our souls existed before we were born; and if these abstractions do not exist, our argument is of no force? Is this the case, and is it equally certain that provided these things exist our souls also existed before we were born, and that if these do not exist, neither did our souls?”
—“Sokrates, it seems to me that there is absolutely the same certainty, and our argument comes to the excellent conclusion that |77a| our soul existed before we were born, and that the essence of which you speak likewise exists. For there is nothing so clear to me as this, that all such things, the beautiful, the good, and all the others of which you were speaking just now, have a most real existence. And I think the proof is sufficient.”
—“But how about Kebes?” said Sokrates. “For Kebes must be convinced, too.”
—“He is fully convinced, I think,” said Simmias; “and yet he is the most obstinately incredulous of mortals. Still, I believe he is quite convinced of this, that our soul existed |77b| before we were born.
  Phaedo 76d-77b-c. xxii. The outcome of the preceding argument is this: the pre-existence of our souls is inseparably bound up with the existence of ideas and the former stands or falls with the latter. Simmias heartily assents to this and affirms his unshaken conviction that the ideas do exist and consequently that our souls existed before our birth.

Φαιδων, Part 22.

—ἆρ᾽ οὖν οὕτως ἔχει, ἔφη, ἡμῖν, ὦ Σιμμία; εἰ μὲν ἔστιν ἃ θρυλοῦμεν ἀεί, καλόν τέ τι καὶ ἀγαθὸν καὶ πᾶσα ἡ τοιαύτη οὐσία, καὶ ἐπὶ ταύτην τὰ ἐκ τῶν αἰσθήσεων πάντα ἀναφέρομεν, |76ε| ὑπάρχουσαν πρότερον 1 ἀνευρίσκοντες ἡμετέραν οὖσαν, καὶ ταῦτα ἐκείνῃ ἀπεικάζομεν, ἀναγκαῖον, οὕτως ὥσπερ καὶ ταῦτα ἔστιν, οὕτως καὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν ψυχὴν εἶναι καὶ πρὶν γεγονέναι ἡμᾶς: εἰ δὲ μὴ ἔστι ταῦτα, 2 ἄλλως ἂν ὁ λόγος οὗτος εἰρημένος εἴη; ἆρ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει, καὶ ἴση ἀνάγκη ταῦτά τε εἶναι καὶ τὰς ἡμετέρας ψυχὰς πρὶν καὶ ἡμᾶς γεγονέναι, καὶ εἰ μὴ ταῦτα, οὐδὲ τάδε; 3
—ὑπερφυῶς, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, δοκεῖ μοι ἡ αὐτὴ ἀνάγκη εἶναι, καὶ εἰς καλόν γε 4 καταφεύγει ὁ λόγος εἰς |77α| τὸ ὁμοίως εἶναι τήν τε ψυχὴν ἡμῶν πρὶν γενέσθαι ἡμᾶς καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἣν σὺ νῦν λέγεις. 5 οὐ γὰρ ἔχω ἔγωγε οὐδὲν οὕτω μοι ἐναργὲς ὂν ὡς τοῦτο, τὸ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτ᾽ εἶναι ὡς οἷόν τε μάλιστα, καλόν τε καὶ ἀγαθὸν καὶ τἆλλα πάντα ἃ σὺ νυνδὴ ἔλεγες: καὶ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ ἱκανῶς ἀποδέδεικται. 6
—τί δὲ δὴ Κέβητι; ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης: δεῖ γὰρ καὶ Κέβητα πείθειν.
—ἱκανῶς, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, ὡς ἔγωγε οἶμαι: καίτοι καρτερώτατος ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶν πρὸς τὸ ἀπιστεῖν τοῖς λόγοις. ἀλλ᾽ οἶμαι οὐκ ἐνδεῶς τοῦτο πεπεῖσθαι αὐτόν, ὅτι πρὶν γενέσθαι |77β| ἡμᾶς ἦν ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχή:

1 ὑπάρχουσαν πρότερον: Mr. Jackson, in the paper before mentioned, maintains that the words from ὑπάρχουσαν to ἀναγκαῖον, οὕτως are spurious. In this opinion I concur for the following reasons: (1) the clause ὑπάρχουσαν πρότερον ἀνευρίσκοντες ἡμετέραν οὖσαν would seem just the same kind of clumsy misapplication of Plato’s phraseology of which we have already seen too much: Plato says (75e) that the knowledge of the ideas is our own; but where does he say that the ideas themselves are our own, and what is the sense of saying so? (2) ταῦτα ἐκείνῃ ἀπεικάζομεν is a pointless repetition of ἐπὶ ταύτην ἀναφέρομεν: (3) ταῦτα there means sensibles; presently ταῦτα three times refers to the ideas. Wyttenbach, on this very ground, proposes to read αὕτα ἔστιν: (4) though the repetition of οὕτως may be defended, it certainly sounds very awkward here. Accordingly I have bracketed the words. With this omission the sentence will stand: ‘if these ideas exist which are forever on our lips, absolute beauty and goodness and all other absolute essence, and if it is to this essence that we refer all our sense-perceptions, as this surely exists, so surely did our soul exist before our birth’, εἶναι will then depend upon οὕτως ἔχει.
2 εἰ δὲ μὴ ἔστι ταῦτα: ‘if these ideas do not exist’; not as some take it, ‘if this is not so.’ Cf. below ἴση ἀνάγκη ταῦτά τε εἶναι.
3 εἰ μὴ ταῦτα, οὐδὲ τάδε: i.e. if the ideas do not exist, neither did our souls exist before birth.
4 εἰς καλόν γε: ‘and our argument has found an excellent refuge in the position that the pre-existence of our soul rests on the same assurance as the existence of the ideas.’ Wagner should not have supplied καιρὸν with καλόν, which is explained by the sentence in apposition, εἰς τὸ ὁμοίως εἶνα.
5 ἣν σὺ νῦν λέγεις: νῦν is omitted in some mss. and Schanz brackets it.
6 καὶ ἔμοι δοκεῖ ἱκανῶς ἀποδέδεικται This reading has the best authority, and Schanz defends the parenthetical use of ἔμοι δοκεῖ by citing 108 B, Protagoras 314c, Menexenus 236b. Z. and St. give ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ ἱκανῶς ἀποδέδεικται.

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Phaedo, Part 23.

—“However, that it will still exist after we die does not seem even to me to have been proved, Sokrates, but the common fear, which Kebes mentioned just now, that when a man dies the soul is dispersed and this is the end of his existence, still remains. For assuming that the soul comes into being and is brought together from some source or other and exists before it enters into a human body, what prevents it, after it has entered into and left that body, from coming to an end and being destroyed itself?”
|77c| “You are right, Simmias,” said Kebes. “It seems to me that we have proved only half of what is required, namely, that our soul existed before our birth. But we must also show that it exists after we are dead as well as before our birth, if the proof is to be perfect.”
—“It has been shown, Simmias and Kebes, already,” said Sokrates, “if you will combine this conclusion with the one we reached before, that every living being is born from the dead. For if the soul exists before birth, and, |77d| when it comes into life and is born, cannot be born from anything else than death and a state of death, must it not also exist after dying, since it must be born again? So the proof you call for has already been given.
  Phaedo 77b-d, c. xxiii. But, continues Simmias, reminiscence only proves that our soul existed before entering into a human body: it does not prove that the soul on leaving the body may not be dissipated and perish. Kebes agrees that immortality is only half proved. Sokrates replies that the other half is supplied by the argument from alternation of opposites, which proved that the soul must exist after death.

Φαιδων, Part 23.

—εἰ μέντοι καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνωμεν ἔτι ἔσται, οὐδὲ αὐτῷ μοι δοκεῖ, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀποδεδεῖχθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι ἐνέστηκεν ὃ νυνδὴ Κέβης ἔλεγε, τὸ τῶν πολλῶν, ὅπως μὴ ἅμα ἀποθνῄσκοντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου διασκεδαννῦται 1 ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ αὐτῇ τοῦ εἶναι τοῦτο τέλος ᾖ. τί γὰρ κωλύει 2 γίγνεσθαι μὲν αὐτὴν καὶ συνίστασθαι ἄλλοθέν 3 [ἁμόθεν ποθέν ποθεν καὶ εἶναι πρὶν καὶ εἰς ἀνθρώπειον σῶμα ἀφικέσθαι, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀφίκηται καὶ ἀπαλλάττηται τούτου, τότε καὶ αὐτὴν τελευτᾶν καὶ διαφθείρεσθαι;
|77ξ| εὖ λέγεις, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία, ὁ Κέβης. φαίνεται γὰρ ὥσπερ ἥμισυ ἀποδεδεῖχθαι οὗ δεῖ, ὅτι πρὶν γενέσθαι ἡμᾶς ἦν ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχή, δεῖ δὲ προσαποδεῖξαι ὅτι καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνωμεν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔσται ἢ πρὶν γενέσθαι, εἰ μέλλει τέλος ἡ ἀπόδειξις ἕξειν.
—ἀποδέδεικται μέν, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, ὁ Σωκράτης, καὶ νῦν, εἰ ‘θέλετε συνθεῖναι 4 τοῦτόν τε τὸν λόγον εἰς ταὐτὸν καὶ ὃν πρὸ τούτου ὡμολογήσαμεν, τὸ γίγνεσθαι πᾶν τὸ ζῶν ἐκ τοῦ τεθνεῶτος. εἰ γὰρ ἔστιν μὲν |77δ| ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ πρότερον, ἀνάγκη δὲ αὐτῇ εἰς τὸ ζῆν ἰούσῃ τε καὶ γιγνομένῃ μηδαμόθεν ἄλλοθεν ἢ ἐκ θανάτου καὶ τοῦ τεθνάναι γίγνεσθαι, πῶς οὐκ ἀνάγκη αὐτὴν καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνῃ εἶναι, ἐπειδή γε δεῖ αὖθις αὐτὴν γίγνεσθαι; ἀποδέδεικται μὲν οὖν ὅπερ λέγετε καὶ νῦν.

1 διασκεδαννῦται: The indicative can hardly be right here because we have ᾖ in the next clause, and the change of mood would be meaningless. A parallel form is the optative πήγνυτο in 118a. I do not see on what ground the accentuation διασκεδάννυται (as subjunctive) and πηγνῦτο can be defended, since the forms are clearly contractions. Z. and St. have διασκεδάννυται.
2 τί γὰρ κωλύει: ‘What reason is there why she should not come into being and union from somewhere or other and exist before she enters a human frame, but when she has entered one and is in act of leaving it, she should not at that moment herself come to an end and perish?’
3 ἁμόθεν ποθέν:This is Bekker’s correction of ἄλλοθέν, which is retained by Z. and St.
4 εἰ ‘θέλετε συνθεῖναι: I do not understand how, in the face of this express statement of Plato’s, some have regarded antapodosis {retribution} and anamnesis {recollecton} as two distinct demonstrations of immortality. As he says, they are two halves of a demonstration; one showing the pre-existence, the other the after-existence of the soul.

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Phaedo, Part 24.

—“However, I think you and Simmias would like to carry on this discussion still further. You have the childish fear that when the soul goes out from the body the wind will really blow it away and scatter it, especially |77e| if a man happens to die in a high wind and not in calm weather.”
—And Kebes laughed and said, “Assume that we have that fear, Sokrates, and try to convince us; or rather, do not assume that we are afraid, but perhaps there is a child within us, who has such fears. Let us try to persuade him not to fear death as if it were a hobgoblin.”
—“Ah,” said Sokrates, “you must sing charms to him every day until you charm away his fear.”
|78a| “Where then, Sokrates,” said he, “shall we find a good singer of such charms, since you are leaving us?”
—“Hellas, Kebes,” he replied, “is a large country, in which there are many good men, and there are many foreign peoples also. You ought to search through all of them in quest of such a charmer, sparing neither money nor toil, for there is no greater need for which you could spend your money. And you must seek among yourselves, too, for perhaps you would hardly find others better able to do this than you.”
—“That,” said Kebes, “shall be done. But let us return to the point where we left off, |78b| if you are willing.”
—“Oh, I am willing, of course.”
—“Good,” said he.
  Phaedo 77d-78 b-c. xxiv. Yet, says Sokrates, you and Simmias seem still to have a lurking fear lest the soul on leaving the body be scattered to the winds. Perhaps, replies Kebes, there is a child within us that still needs to be soothed; and soon there will be no man living who can soothe it. Do not despair, says Sokrates; wide is Hellas and wider is the world; you must spare neither pains nor riches to find such a man, not omitting to search among yourselves.

Φαιδων, Part 24.

—ὅμως δέ μοι δοκεῖς σύ τε καὶ Σιμμίας ἡδέως ἂν καὶ τοῦτον διαπραγματεύσασθαι τὸν λόγον ἔτι μᾶλλον, 1 καὶ δεδιέναι τὸ τῶν παίδων, μὴ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὁ ἄνεμος αὐτὴν ἐκβαίνουσαν ἐκ τοῦ σώματος διαφυσᾷ |77ε| καὶ διασκεδάννυσιν, 2 ἄλλως τε καὶ ὅταν τύχῃ τις μὴ ἐν νηνεμίᾳ ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μεγάλῳ τινὶ πνεύματι ἀποθνῄσκων.
—καὶ ὁ Κέβης ἐπιγελάσας, ὡς δεδιότων, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, πειρῶ ἀναπείθειν: μᾶλλον δὲ μὴ ὡς ἡμῶν δεδιότων, ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως ἔνι τις καὶ ἐν ἡμῖν παῖς 3 ὅστις τὰ τοιαῦτα φοβεῖται. τοῦτον οὖν πειρῶ μεταπείθειν μὴ δεδιέναι τὸν θάνατον ὥσπερ τὰ μορμολύκεια.
—ἀλλὰ χρή, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, ἐπᾴδειν αὐτῷ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἕως ἂν ἐξεπᾴσητε. 4
|78α| πόθεν οὖν, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, τῶν τοιούτων ἀγαθὸν ἐπῳδὸν ληψόμεθα, ἐπειδὴ σύ, ἔφη, 5 ἡμᾶς ἀπολείπεις;
—πολλὴ μὲν ἡ Ἑλλάς, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, ἐν ᾗ ἔνεισί που ἀγαθοὶ ἄνδρες, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τὰ τῶν βαρβάρων γένη, 6 οὓς πάντας χρὴ διερευνᾶσθαι ζητοῦντας τοιοῦτον ἐπῳδόν, μήτε χρημάτων φειδομένους μήτε πόνων, ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν εἰς ὅτι [ἂν] εὐκαιρότερον 7 ἀναλίσκοιτε χρήματα. ζητεῖν δὲ χρὴ καὶ αὐτοὺς μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων: ἴσως γὰρ ἂν οὐδὲ ῥᾳδίως εὕροιτε μᾶλλον ὑμῶν δυναμένους τοῦτο ποιεῖν.
—ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν δή, ἔφη, ὑπάρξει, ὁ Κέβης: ὅθεν δὲ |78β| ἀπελίπομεν ἐπανέλθωμεν, εἴ σοι ἡδομένῳ ἐστίν.
—ἀλλὰ μὴν ἡδομένῳ γε: πῶς γὰρ οὐ μέλλει;
—καλῶς, ἔφη, λέγεις.

1 διαπραγματεύσασθαι τὸν λόγον ἔτι μᾶλλον: I think the misgivings of Simmias and Kebes arise thus. We have indeed seen that the recurrence of soul is a law of nature; but we are not sufficiently acquainted with the laws of nature and the conditions of their interaction to be perfectly sure how they will work in every particular case. So we are still haunted by the doubt that a soul may, under certain circumstances, be dissipated and destroyed: this doubt can only be satisfied by proving that the eternity of soul can be deduced not only from a universal law but from her own inherent nature. Next anamnesis has placed the eternity of soul on the same footing of assurance as the existence of the ideas: but this is done indirectly; we desire to be convinced that soul not only has had cognition of the ideas, but that she possesses such an affinity with their nature as will justify us in believing that she shares their attribute of eternity; see introduction § 2.
2 διασκεδάννυσιν: Hirschig would read διασκεδαννύῃ. But here the indicative is clearly right. What we fear is, not lest the wind should blow the soul away, but lest it is a fact that it does so.
3 ἐν ἡμῖν παῖς: ‘there is a child within us’; not of course ‘among us.’
4 ἐξιᾴσηται: ‘until you have charmed him out of you.’ This reading is due to Heindorf; the old editions and the best mss. have ἐξεπᾴσητε. Heindorf’s admirable emendation is confirmed by one ms.
5 ἐπειδὴ σύ, ἔφη: For the repetition of ἔφη Wohlrab compares 89c, 103c, 118a.
6 τὰ τῶν βαρβάρων γένη: Plato’s travels had caused him to form a more liberal estimate of barbarian possibilities than was usual in his time. Compare Republic 499c-d εἰ τοίνυν ἄκροις εἰς φιλοσοφίαν πόλεώς τις ἀνάγκη ἐπιμεληθῆναι ἢ γέγονεν ἐν τῷ ἀπείρῳ τῷ παρεληλυθότι χρόνῳ ἢ καὶ νῦν ἔστιν ἔν τινι βαρβαρικῷ τόπῳ, πόρρω που ἐκτὸς ὄντι τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐπόψεως, ἢ καὶ ἔπειτα γενήσεται, περὶ τούτου ἕτοιμοι τῷ λόγῳ διαμάχεσθαι, ὡς γέγονεν ἡ εἰρημένη πολιτεία καὶ ἔστιν καὶ γενήσεταί γε, ὅταν αὕτη ἡ Μοῦσα πόλεως ἐγκρατὴς γένηται. Cf. Symposium 209e.
7 ἂν ἀναγκαιότερον: So Schanz with c: bd omit ἂν. Z. and St. give ἂν εὐκαιρότερον with E.

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Phaedo, Part 25.

—“Well then,” said Sokrates, “must we not ask ourselves some such question as this? What kind of thing naturally suffers dispersion, and for what kind of thing might we naturally fear it, and again what kind of thing is not liable to it? And after this must we not inquire to which class the soul belongs and base our hopes or fears for our souls upon the answers to these questions?”
—“You are quite right,” he replied.
—“Now is not that which is compounded |78c| and composite naturally liable to be decomposed, in the same way in which it was compounded? And if anything is uncompounded is not that, if anything, naturally unlikely to be decomposed?”
—“I think,” said Kebes, “that is true.”
—“Then it is most probable that things which are always the same and unchanging are the uncompounded things and the things that are changing and never the same are the composite things?”
—“Yes, I think so.”
—“Let us then,” said he, “turn to what we were discussing before. |78d| Is the absolute essence, which we in our dialectic process of question and answer call true being, always the same or is it liable to change? Absolute equality, absolute beauty, any absolute existence, true being—do they ever admit of any change whatsoever? Or does each absolute essence, since it is uniform and exists by itself, remain the same and never in any way admit of any change?”
—“It must,” said Kebes, “necessarily remain the same, |78e| Sokrates.”
—“But how about the many things, for example, men, or horses, or cloaks, or any other such things, which bear the same names as the absolute essences and are called beautiful or equal or the like? Are they always the same? Or are they, in direct opposition to the essences, constantly changing in themselves, unlike each other, and, so to speak, never the same?”
—“The latter,” said Kebes; “they are never the same.”
|79a| “And you can see these and touch them and perceive them by the other senses, whereas the things which are always the same can be grasped only by the reason, and are invisible and not to be seen?”
—“Certainly,” said he, “that is true.”
  Phaedo 78b-80e, cc. xxv—xxix. The question is then, what kind of things are liable to dissolution and what are not? and to which class does soul belong? That which is composite and consists of parts may doubtless be resolved again into parts; but if we can discover something which is incomposite and without parts we may safely affirm that this, if anything, is indissoluble. To the class of incomposites we should assign whatever is constant and changeless; to that of composites all that is ever-changing. Now this is precisely what constitutes the difference between the contents of the ideal and of the phenomenal world respectively: the ideas are changeless, simple, apprehensible by pure intelligence; phenomena are ever-changing, manifold, apprehensible by mere sensation. Let us term the former the invisible, the latter the visible world: to which sphere shall we assign soul and body respectively? (1) the body is visible, the soul is invisible: (2) when the soul apprehends by means of the bodily senses, she deals with the ever-changing and is herself filled with confusion and uncertainty; when she apprehends by herself, she deals with the changeless, and her own reflections are constant and sure: (3) when soul and body are together, the soul is mistress, the body is servant; and to command is the function of the divine, to obey is that of the mortal. For these three reasons we decide that the affinity of soul is to the divine and changeless and indissoluble, the world of ideas; that of body to the mortal and changeful and dissoluble, the world of phenomena. Hence we should infer that while the body quickly decays the soul is nearly if not quite indissoluble. And as even a body that is embalmed lasts for an indefinite time, how much more enduring then should we expect the soul to be?

Φαιδων, Part 25.

—οὐκοῦν τοιόνδε τι, ἦ δ᾽ ὃς ὁ Σωκράτης, δεῖ ἡμᾶς ἀνερέσθαι ἑαυτούς, τῷ ποίῳ τινὶ, 1 ἄρα προσήκει τοῦτο τὸ πάθος πάσχειν, τὸ διασκεδάννυσθαι, καὶ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ποίου τινὸς δεδιέναι μὴ πάθῃ αὐτό, καὶ τῷ ποίῳ τινὶ οὔ: καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο αὖ ἐπισκέψασθαι πότερον ἡ ψυχή ἐστιν, καὶ ἐκ τούτων θαρρεῖν ἢ δεδιέναι ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡμετέρας ψυχῆς;
—ἀληθῆ, ἔφη, λέγεις. |78ξ| ἆρ᾽ οὖν τῷ μὲν συντεθέντι τε καὶ συνθέτῳ, 2 ὄντι φύσει προσήκει τοῦτο πάσχειν, διαιρεθῆναι ταύτῃ ᾗπερ συνετέθη: εἰ δέ τι τυγχάνει ὂν ἀσύνθετον, τούτῳ μόνῳ προσήκει μὴ πάσχειν ταῦτα, εἴπερ τῳ ἄλλῳ; 3
—δοκεῖ μοι, ἔφη, οὕτως ἔχειν, ὁ Κέβης.
—οὐκοῦν ἅπερ ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ 4 καὶ ὡσαύτως ἔχει, ταῦτα μάλιστα εἰκὸς εἶναι τὰ ἀσύνθετα, τὰ δὲ ἄλλοτ᾽ ἄλλως καὶ μηδέποτε κατὰ ταὐτά, ταῦτα δὲ σύνθετα;
—ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ οὕτως.
—ἴωμεν δή, ἔφη, ἐπὶ ταὐτὰ ἐφ᾽ ἅπερ ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν |78δ| λόγῳ. 5 αὐτὴ ἡ οὐσία ἧς λόγον δίδομεν τοῦ εἶναι, 6 καὶ ἐρωτῶντες καὶ ἀποκρινόμενοι, πότερον ὡσαύτως ἀεὶ ἔχει κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἢ ἄλλοτ᾽ ἄλλως; αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον, αὐτὸ τὸ καλόν, αὐτὸ ἕκαστον ὃ ἔστιν, τὸ ὄν, μή ποτε μεταβολὴν καὶ ἡντινοῦν ἐνδέχεται; ἢ ἀεὶ αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ὃ ἔστι, μονοειδὲς ὂν αὐτὸ καθ᾽ αὑτό, ὡσαύτως κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔχει καὶ οὐδέποτε οὐδαμῇ οὐδαμῶς ἀλλοίωσιν οὐδεμίαν ἐνδέχεται;
—ὡσαύτως, ἔφη, ἀνάγκη, ὁ Κέβης, κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔχειν, ὦ |78ε|Σώκρατες.
—τί δὲ τῶν πολλῶν καλῶν, 7 οἷον ἀνθρώπων ἢ ἵππων ἢ ἱματίων ἢ ἄλλων ὡντινωνοῦν τοιούτων, ἢ ἴσων ἢ καλῶν ἢ πάντων τῶν ἐκείνοις ὁμωνύμων; ἆρα κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔχει, ἢ πᾶν τοὐναντίον ἐκείνοις οὔτε αὐτὰ αὑτοῖς 8 οὔτε ἀλλήλοις οὐδέποτε ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν οὐδαμῶς κατὰ ταὐτά;
—Oὕτως, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης: 9 οὐδέποτε ὡσαύτως ἔχει. |79α| Oὐκοῦν τούτων μὲν κἂν ἅψαιο κἂν ἴδοις κἂν ταῖς ἄλλαις αἰσθήσεσιν αἴσθοιο, τῶν δὲ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐχόντων οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτῳ ποτ᾽ ἂν ἄλλῳ ἐπιλάβοιο ἢ τῷ τῆς διανοίας λογισμῷ, 10 ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἀιδῆ τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ οὐχ ὁρατά;
—παντάπασιν, ἔφη, ἀληθῆ λέγεις.

1 τῷ ποίῳ τινὶ οὔ: οὔ is not in the mss. but was supplied by Heindorf. It is certainly necessary.
2 καὶ συνθέτῳ: As Prof. Geddes remarks, συνθέτῳ denotes the state which is the result of the process expressed by συνθέντι. Wagner wrongly takes φύσει with συνθέτῳ: it belongs to προσήκει.
3 εἴπερ τῳ ἄλλῳ: It is to be noticed that the present line of argument aims at nothing more than establishing a probability that soul is immortal; and as Kebes afterwards points out, it merely shows that soul should be much more durable than body, not that she is inherently eternal. I consider the chief importance of this part of the dialogue to consist in the opening it gives for the objections of Simmias and Kebes. The former brings in a theory of soul which would be fatal to Plato’s view, were it not refuted; the latter necessitates the final investigation, to which I conceive the present argument is merely preliminary. At the same time we are here first endeavouring to establish a direct connexion between the soul’s nature and that of the ideas.
4 οὐκοῦν ἅπερ ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ: Change in any object is the result of transposition, compression, or separation of its parts, or of increase or decrease in their number. Consequently that which has no parts cannot suffer change. All material things have parts, therefore the immaterial objects of reason are alone changeless.
5 ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν λόγῳ: 75d.
6 ἧς λόγον δίδομεν τοῦ εἶναι: ‘as whose principle we assign being.’ λόγον = its definition, notion. τοῦ εἶναι is descriptive genitive after λόγον. Madvig proposes τὸ εἶναι, which Schanz adopts: but ms. authority is entirely against him, and there is no real difficulty in the genitive. Here again we have a marked association of the ideal theory with the conversational method.
7 τῶν πολλῶν καλῶν: καλῶν is an obvious interpolation: we are not concerned merely with beautiful particulars; and presently we have ἢ ἴσων ἢ καλῶν ἢ πάντων τῶν ἐκείνοις ὁμωνύμων, ‘all the particulars which share the name of the ideas.’ The particulars are ὁμώνυμα as being copies of the ideas: see Sophist 234b μιμήματα καὶ ὁμώνυμα τῶν ὄντων ἀπεργαζόμενος τῇ γραφικῇ τέχνῃ. Cf. Timaeus 41c.
8 οὔτε αὐτὰ αὑτοῖς: ‘they hardly ever preserve any constant relation either to themselves or to each other.’ This is one of many passages which show that Plato thoroughly accepted the doctrines of Herakleitos and Protagoras so far as regards the material world.
9 οὕτως, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης: Z. and St. have οὕτως αὖ, ἔφη, ταῦτα, ὁ Κέβης.
10 τῷ τῆς διανοίας λογισμῷ: Cf. Phaedrus 247c ἀχρώματός τε καὶ ἀσχημάτιστος καὶ ἀναφὴς οὐσία ὄντως οὖσα, ψυχῆς κυβερνήτῃ μόνῳ θεατὴ νῷ. See also Timaeus 28a.

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Phaedo, Part 26.

—“Now,” said he, “shall we assume two kinds of existences, one visible, the other invisible?”
—“Let us assume them,” said Kebes.
—“And that the invisible is always the same and the visible constantly changing?”
—“Let us assume that also,” said he.
|79b| “Well then,” said Sokrates, “are we not made up of two parts, body and soul?”
—“Yes,” he replied.
—“Now to which class should we say the body is more similar and more closely akin?”
—“To the visible,” said he; “that is clear to everyone.”
—“And the soul? Is it visible or invisible?”
—“Invisible, to man, at least, Sokrates.”

Φαιδων, Part 26.

—θῶμεν οὖν βούλει, 1 ἔφη, δύο εἴδη τῶν ὄντων, τὸ μὲν ὁρατόν, τὸ δὲ ἀιδές; 2
—θῶμεν, ἔφη.
—καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀιδὲς ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔχον, τὸ δὲ ὁρατὸν μηδέποτε κατὰ ταὐτά;
—καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη, θῶμεν. |79β| φέρε δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἄλλο τι ἡμῶν αὐτῶν 3 τὸ μὲν σῶμά ἐστι, τὸ δὲ ψυχή;
—οὐδὲν ἄλλο, ἔφη.
—ποτέρῳ οὖν ὁμοιότερον τῷ εἴδει φαμὲν ἂν εἶναι καὶ συγγενέστερον τὸ σῶμα;
—παντί, ἔφη, τοῦτό γε δῆλον, ὅτι τῷ ὁρατῷ.
—τί δὲ ἡ ψυχή; ὁρατὸν ἢ ἀιδές;
—οὐχ ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων γε, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη.
—ἀλλὰ μὴν ἡμεῖς γε τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ τὰ μὴ τῇ τῶν ἀνθρώπων φύσει ἐλέγομεν: ἢ ἄλλῃ τινὶ οἴει;
—τῇ τῶν ἀνθρώπων.
—τί οὖν περὶ ψυχῆς λέγομεν; ὁρατὸν ἢ ἀόρατον εἶναι;
—οὐχ ὁρατόν. 4
—ἀιδὲς ἄρα;
—ναί.
—ὁμοιότερον ἄρα ψυχὴ σώματός ἐστιν τῷ ἀιδεῖ, τὸ δὲ τῷ ὁρατῷ. |79ξ| πᾶσα ἀνάγκη, ὦ Σώκρατες.

1 θῶμεν οὖν βούλει: Z. and St. have εἰ βούλει.
2 τὸ μὲν ὁρατόν, τὸ δὲ ἀιδές: Compare the division of the universe into ὁρατόν and νοητὸν in Republic 509d.
3 ἄλλο τι ἡμῶν αὐτῶν: ‘of ourselves is not one part body, the other soul? ’ I agree with Heindorf and Stallbaum in taking ἡμῶν αὐτῶν with tὸ μὲν σῶμά ἐστι, τὸ δὲ. Ast would join it with ἄλλο τι, on account of the reply, οὐδὲν ἄλλο. But why should special emphasis be laid on the exhaustiveness of the division?
4 οὐχ ὁρατόν: No distinction is intended between οὐχ ὁρατόν and ἀιδὲς. Plato has made his division into ὁρατόν and ἀιδὲς, and since soul is not ὁρατόν, it is ἀιδὲς. No doubt the motive which led Plato to choose ἀιδὲς instead of the direct verbal opposite ἀὁρατόν was the etymological connexion of the former with Ἅιδης: as if he would say that Ἅιδης, far from being the abode of death and nothingness, is the region of true existence alone. That he did connect the words is clear from 80d, 81c, in spite of Cratylus 404b.

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Phaedo, Part 27.

—“But we call things visible and invisible with reference to human vision, do we not?”
—“Yes, we do.”
—“Then what do we say about the soul? Can it be seen or not?”
—“It cannot be seen.”
—“Then it is invisible?”
—“Yes.”
—“Then the soul is more like the invisible than the body is, |79c| and the body more like the visible.”
—“Necessarily, Sokrates.”
—“Now we have also been saying for a long time, have we not, that, when the soul makes use of the body for any inquiry, either through seeing or hearing or any of the other senses—for inquiry through the body means inquiry through the senses,—then it is dragged by the body to things which never remain the same, and it wanders about and is confused and dizzy like a drunken man because it lays hold upon such things?”
—“Certainly.”
—“But when the soul |79d| inquires alone by itself, it departs into the realm of the pure, the everlasting, the immortal and the changeless, and being akin to these it dwells always with them whenever it is by itself and is not hindered, and it has rest from its wanderings and remains always the same and unchanging with the changeless, since it is in communion therewith. And this state of the soul is called wisdom. Is it not so?”
—“Sokrates,” said he, “what you say is perfectly right and true.”
—“And now again, in view of what we said before and of what has just been said, to which class do you think |79e| the soul has greater likeness and kinship?”
—“I think, Sokrates,” said he, “that anyone, even the dullest, would agree, after this argument that the soul is infinitely more like that which is always the same than that which is not.”
—“And the body?”
—“Is more like the other.”

Φαιδων, Part 27.

—οὐκοῦν καὶ τόδε πάλαι ἐλέγομεν, 1 ὅτι ἡ ψυχή, ὅταν μὲν τῷ σώματι προσχρῆται εἰς τὸ σκοπεῖν τι ἢ διὰ τοῦ ὁρᾶν ἢ διὰ τοῦ ἀκούειν ἢ δι᾽ ἄλλης τινὸς αἰσθήσεως—τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν τὸ διὰ τοῦ σώματος, τὸ δι᾽ αἰσθήσεως σκοπεῖν τι—τότε μὲν ἕλκεται 2 ὑπὸ τοῦ σώματος εἰς τὰ οὐδέποτε κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔχοντα, καὶ αὐτὴ πλανᾶται καὶ ταράττεται καὶ εἰλιγγιᾷ ὥσπερ μεθύουσα, ἅτε τοιούτων ἐφαπτομένη;
—πάνυ γε.
|79δ| ὅταν δέ γε αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν σκοπῇ, ἐκεῖσε οἴχεται εἰς τὸ καθαρόν τε καὶ ἀεὶ ὂν καὶ ἀθάνατον καὶ ὡσαύτως ἔχον, καὶ ὡς συγγενὴς οὖσα αὐτοῦ ἀεὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου τε γίγνεται, ὅτανπερ αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν γένηται καὶ ἐξῇ αὐτῇ, καὶ πέπαυταί τε τοῦ πλάνου 3 καὶ περὶ ἐκεῖνα ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ὡσαύτως ἔχει, ἅτε τοιούτων ἐφαπτομένη: καὶ τοῦτο αὐτῆς τὸ πάθημα 4 φρόνησις κέκληται;
—παντάπασιν, ἔφη, καλῶς καὶ ἀληθῆ λέγεις, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—ποτέρῳ οὖν αὖ σοι δοκεῖ τῷ εἴδει καὶ ἐκ τῶν πρόσθεν καὶ ἐκ |79ε| τῶν νῦν λεγομένων ψυχὴ ὁμοιότερον εἶναι καὶ συγγενέστερον;
—πᾶς ἄν μοι δοκεῖ, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, συγχωρῆσαι, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐκ ταύτης τῆς μεθόδου, 5 καὶ ὁ δυσμαθέστατος, ὅτι ὅλῳ καὶ παντὶ 6 ὁμοιότερόν ἐστι ψυχὴ τῷ ἀεὶ ὡσαύτως ἔχοντι μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ μή.
—τί δὲ τὸ σῶμα;
—τῷ ἑτέρῳ.

1 πάλαι ἐλέγομεν: 65b following.
2 τότε μὲν ἕλκεται: ‘then she is dragged by the body among things that are never constant, and she herself loses her way and is filled with confusion and dizziness, like one that is drunk; for of such nature are the things that she grasps.’ τοιούτων = πλανωμένων etc., cf. 58d. Plato means that when the soul makes her investigations by the aid of the body, she necessarily is concerned with sensible phenomena; and since these have nothing stable or sure in them, there is a like want of stability and certainty in her perceptions.
3 καὶ πέπαυταί τε τοῦ πλάνου: ‘she has rest from her wandering, and in dwelling with them is ever constant, since the things that she grasps are constant.’ So in Republic 500c it is said of philosophers, εἰς τεταγμένα ἄττα καὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἀεὶ ἔχοντα ὁρῶντας καὶ θεωμένους οὔτ᾽ ἀδικοῦντα οὔτ᾽ ἀδικούμενα ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων, κόσμῳ δὲ πάντα καὶ κατὰ λόγον ἔχοντα, ταῦτα μιμεῖσθαί τε καὶ ὅτι μάλιστα ἀφομοιοῦσθαι. For πλάνου compare Parmenides 135e οὐκ εἴας ἐν τοῖς ὁρωμένοις οὐδὲ περὶ ταῦτα τὴν πλάνην ἐπισκοπεῖν.
4 τοῦτο αὐτῆς τὸ πάθημα: ‘this condition of hers is called wisdom.’ Olympiodoros is much exercised as to how φρόνησις can be a πάθημα, how an activity of the soul can be denoted by a passive term. But Aristotle, for whom cognition was emphatically an ενέργεια {energy}, says, De Anima III iv 429a 13, εἰ δή ἐστι τὸ νοεῖν ὥσπερ τὸ αἰσθάνεσθαι, ἢ πάσχειν τι ἂν εἴη ὑπὸ τοῦ νοητοῦ ἤ τι τοιοῦτον ἕτερον. I think however that πάθημα here means nothing more than condition: compare Republic 511d, where the term παθήματα is applied to the four mental states corresponding to the four segments of the line.
5 ἐκ ταύτης τῆς μεθόδου: ‘from this way of approaching the question.’ μεθόδος is frequently used by Plato for ‘scientific method,’ especially dialectic: cf. Republic 510b, Politicus 286d.
6 ὅλῳ καὶ παντὶ: Prof. Geddes explains ‘both in the general and in the particular’; which I think is a needless refinement. It is only a strong expression for ‘altogether’ and is not uncommon: see Republic 469c, 527c (with the article), Laws 779b, Cratylus 434a. In Laws 734e we have the reverse order τῷ παντὶ καὶ ὅλῳ, and in 944c we find ὅλον καὶ τὸ πᾶν in precisely the same sense. In Lysis 215c is the remarkable phrase ἆρά γε ὅλῳ τινὶ ἐξαπατώμεθα; {Can it be, indeed, that we are deceived in the whole matter?}

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Phaedo, Part 28.

—“Consider, then, the matter in another way. When the soul |80a| and the body are joined together, nature directs the one to serve and be ruled, and the other to rule and be master. Now this being the case, which seems to you like the divine, and which like the mortal? Or do you not think that the divine is by nature fitted to rule and lead, and the mortal to obey and serve?”
—“Yes, I think so.”
—“Which, then, does the soul resemble?”
—“Clearly, Sokrates, the soul is like the divine and the body like the mortal.”
—“Then see, Kebes, if this is not the conclusion from all that we have said, |80b| that the soul is most like the divine and immortal and intellectual and uniform and indissoluble and ever unchanging, and the body, on the contrary, most like the human and mortal and multiform and unintellectual and dissoluble and ever changing. Can we say anything, my dear Kebes, to show that this is not so?”
—“No, we cannot.”

Φαιδων, Part 28.

—ὅρα δὴ καὶ τῇδε 1 ὅτι ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ὦσι ψυχὴ καὶ |80α| σῶμα, τῷ μὲν δουλεύειν καὶ ἄρχεσθαι ἡ φύσις προστάττει, τῇ δὲ ἄρχειν καὶ δεσπόζειν: καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα αὖ πότερόν σοι δοκεῖ ὅμοιον τῷ θείῳ εἶναι καὶ πότερον τῷ θνητῷ; 2 ἢ οὐ δοκεῖ σοι τὸ μὲν θεῖον οἷον ἄρχειν τε καὶ ἡγεμονεύειν πεφυκέναι, τὸ δὲ θνητὸν ἄρχεσθαί τε καὶ δουλεύειν;
—ἔμοιγε.
—ποτέρῳ οὖν ἡ ψυχὴ ἔοικεν;
—δῆλα δή, ὦ Σώκρατες, ὅτι ἡ μὲν ψυχὴ τῷ θείῳ, τὸ δὲ σῶμα τῷ θνητῷ.
—σκόπει δή, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, εἰ ἐκ πάντων τῶν εἰρημένων |80β| τάδε ἡμῖν συμβαίνει, τῷ μὲν θείῳ καὶ ἀθανάτῳ καὶ νοητῷ καὶ μονοειδεῖ καὶ ἀδιαλύτῳ καὶ ἀεὶ ὡσαύτως κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔχοντι ἑαυτῷ ὁμοιότατον εἶναι ψυχήν, 3 τῷ δὲ ἀνθρωπίνῳ καὶ θνητῷ καὶ πολυειδεῖ καὶ ἀνοήτῳ 4 καὶ διαλυτῷ καὶ μηδέποτε κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔχοντι ἑαυτῷ ὁμοιότατον αὖ εἶναι σῶμα. ἔχομέν τι παρὰ ταῦτα ἄλλο λέγειν, ὦ φίλε Κέβης, ᾗ οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει;
—οὐκ ἔχομεν.

1 ὅρα δὴ καὶ τῇδε: After showing that the soul resembles the ideas (1) in her invisibility (2) in her affinity to the changeless, we now come to the last piece of evidence: that she is mistress over the body and uses it as a slave. Cf. Timaeus 34c γενέσει καὶ ἀρετῇ προτέραν καὶ πρεσβυτέραν ψυχὴν σώματος ὡς δεσπότιν καὶ ἄρξουσαν ἀρξομένου ξυνεστήσατο {God constructed Soul to be older than Body and prior in birth and excellence, since she was to be the mistress and ruler and it the ruled}.
2 θείῳ εἶναι καὶ πότερον τῷ θνητῷ: Below, 80b, we have the contrast θείῳ—ἀνθρωπίνῳ: but the antithesis θεῖον—θνητὸν occurs Timaeus 69c and d.
3 ὁμοιότατον εἶναι ψυχήν: I have adopted this reading notwithstanding that there is much stronger ms. authority for ψυχή which Schanz Z. and St. retain, ψυχὴ can only be construed by supplying ξυμβαίνει again, which is intolerably harsh. Such instances as Philebus 55a πολλή τις ἀλογία ξυμβαίνει γίγνεσθαι are nothing to the point: such a construction is common enough, but here we have τάδε as the subject of ξυμβαίνει.
4 ἀνοήτῳ: i.e. ‘not the object of intelligence’: a sense which, I believe, ἀνοήτος bears nowhere else; it is however placed beyond doubt by νοήτῳ in the opposite catalogue, by which Olympiodoros absurdly understands ‘intelligent.’ Another rare usage is that of ἀπίθανος in Parmenides 133c, = ‘incredulous.’ Considering the exact correspondence of every word in one list with the antithetical word in the other, Hermann ought not to have wished that the mss. gave αἰσθητῷ.

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Phaedo, Part 29.

—“Well then, since this is the case, is it not natural for the body to meet with speedy dissolution and for the soul, on the contrary, to be entirely indissoluble, or nearly so?”
|80c| “Of course.”
—“Observe,” he went on, “that when a man dies, the visible part of him, the body, which lies in the visible world and which we call the corpse, which is naturally subject to dissolution and decomposition, does not undergo these processes at once, but remains for a considerable time, and even for a very long time, if death takes place when the body is in good condition, and at a favorable time of the year. For when the body is shrunk and embalmed, as is done in Egypt, it remains almost entire for an incalculable time. And even if the body decay, |80d| some parts of it, such as the bones and sinews and all that, are, so to speak, indestructible. Is not that true?”
—“Yes.”
—“But the soul, the invisible, which departs into another place which is, like itself, noble and pure and invisible, to the realm of the god of the other world in truth, to the good and wise god, whither, if God will, my soul is soon to go,—is this soul, which has such qualities and such a nature, straightway scattered and destroyed when it departs from the body, as most men say? |80e| Far from it, dear Kebes and Simmias, but the truth is much rather this—if it departs pure, dragging with it nothing of the body, because it never willingly associated with the body in life, but avoided it and gathered itself into itself alone, since this has always been its constant study—but this means nothing else than that it pursued philosophy rightly and |81a| really practiced being in a state of death: or is not this the practice of death?”
—“By all means.”
—“Then if it is in such a condition, it goes away into that which is like itself, into the invisible, divine, immortal, and wise, and when it arrives there it is happy, freed from error and folly and fear and fierce loves and all the other human ills, and as the initiated say, lives in truth through all after time with the gods. Is this our belief, Kebes, or not?”
  Phaedo, 80e-81e, cc. xxix, xxx. We cannot then believe that the soul when she leaves the body is scattered and dispersed; nay, if she departs pure and untainted of the body, because she has never willingly held communion with it during life, she is freed from its follies and passions and reaches the abode of the invisible, where she dwells with the gods forever. But if she has been the companion of the body, sharing its pleasures and desires and thinking that alone to be real which she can apprehend by it, then she departs tainted and clogged with the material; and in fear of the viewless region, weighed down by her earthy load, she flits about the visible world. Hence it is that ghosts are seen about places of burial; they are such gross spirits as cannot rise from earth, but wander about it, until for their love of the material they once more enter a bodily form.

Φαιδων, Part 29.

—Τί οὖν; τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων ἆρ᾽ οὐχὶ σώματι μὲν ταχὺ διαλύεσθαι προσήκει, ψυχῇ δὲ αὖ τὸ παράπαν ἀδιαλύτῳ εἶναι ἢ ἐγγύς τι τούτου; 1
|80ξ| Πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
—ἐννοεῖς οὖν, ἔφη, ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνῃ ὁ ἄνθρωπος, τὸ μὲν ὁρατὸν αὐτοῦ, τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ἐν ὁρατῷ κείμενον, 2 ὃ δὴ νεκρὸν καλοῦμεν, ᾧ προσήκει διαλύεσθαι καὶ διαπίπτειν 3 καὶ διαπνεῖσθαι, οὐκ εὐθὺς τούτων οὐδὲν πέπονθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιεικῶς συχνὸν ἐπιμένει χρόνον, ἐὰν μέν τις 4 καὶ χαριέντως ἔχων τὸ σῶμα τελευτήσῃ καὶ ἐν τοιαύτῃ ὥρᾳ, καὶ πάνυ μάλα: συμπεσὸν γὰρ τὸ σῶμα καὶ ταριχευθέν, ὥσπερ οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ταριχευθέντες, ὀλίγου ὅλον μένει ἀμήχανον ὅσον χρόνον, |80δ| ἔνια δὲ μέρη τοῦ σώματος, καὶ ἂν σαπῇ, 5 ὀστᾶ τε καὶ νεῦρα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα πάντα, ὅμως ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἀθάνατά ἐστιν: ἢ οὔ;
—ναί.
—ἡ δὲ ψυχὴ ἄρα, τὸ ἀιδές, τὸ εἰς τοιοῦτον τόπον ἕτερον οἰχόμενον γενναῖον καὶ καθαρὸν καὶ ἀιδῆ, εἰς Ἅιδου ὡς ἀληθῶς, 6 παρὰ τὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ φρόνιμον θεόν, οἷ, ἂν θεὸς θέλῃ, αὐτίκα καὶ τῇ ἐμῇ ψυχῇ ἰτέον, αὕτη δὲ δὴ ἡμῖν ἡ τοιαύτη καὶ οὕτω πεφυκυῖα ἀπαλλαττομένη τοῦ σώματος εὐθὺς διαπεφύσηται καὶ ἀπόλωλεν, ὥς φασιν οἱ πολλοὶ
|80ε| ἄνθρωποι; πολλοῦ γε δεῖ, ὦ φίλε Κέβης τε καὶ Σιμμία, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον ὧδ᾽ ἔχει: ἐὰν μὲν καθαρὰ ἀπαλλάττηται, μηδὲν τοῦ σώματος συνεφέλκουσα, ἅτε οὐδὲν κοινωνοῦσα αὐτῷ ἐν τῷ βίῳ ἑκοῦσα εἶναι, ἀλλὰ φεύγουσα αὐτὸ καὶ συνηθροισμένη 7 [αὐτὴ εἰς ἑαυτήν], ἅτε μελετῶσα ἀεὶ τοῦτο—τὸ δὲ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐστὶν ἢ ὀρθῶς φιλοσοφοῦσα καὶ τῷ ὄντι |81α| τεθνάναι μελετῶσα [ῥᾳδίως]: 8 ἢ οὐ τοῦτ᾽ ἂν εἴη μελέτη θανάτου;
—παντάπασί γε.
—οὐκοῦν οὕτω μὲν ἔχουσα εἰς τὸ ὅμοιον αὐτῇ τὸ ἀιδὲς ἀπέρχεται, τὸ θεῖόν τε καὶ ἀθάνατον καὶ φρόνιμον, οἷ ἀφικομένῃ ὑπάρχει αὐτῇ εὐδαίμονι εἶναι, πλάνης καὶ ἀνοίας καὶ φόβων καὶ ἀγρίων ἐρώτων 9 καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κακῶν τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἀπηλλαγμένῃ, ὥσπερ δὲ λέγεται κατὰ τῶν μεμυημένων, ὡς ἀληθῶς τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον μετὰ θεῶν διάγουσα; 10 οὕτω φῶμεν, ὦ Κέβης, ἢ ἄλλως;

1 ἢ ἐγγύς τι τούτου: Here is a distinct confession that the foregoing is only an approximate demonstration: we have made out a case of probability, and that is all.
2 ἐν ὁρατῷ κείμενον: ‘situate in the region of the visible.’
3 καὶ διαπίπτειν: Z. and St. add καὶ διαπνεῖσθαι at which is found in the citations of Stobaeus and Eusebius, but not in the best mss. Hermann justly says ‘imperite ab anima ad corpus translata esse apparet’ {the soul’s governance seems to have transferred to the body}.
4 ἐὰν μέν τις: It seems to me that needless difficulty has been raised over this sentence, χαριέντως ἔχων simply means ‘having his body in a good state,’ and to this τοιαύτῃ refers. If the body were in a healthy condition at death and at a healthy age, it would hold out longer, says Plato, against decomposition. Mr. Cope, I think, is quite correct in translating: ‘if a man die with his body in a vigorous state and at a vigorous period of his life, a very considerable time indeed.’ The following sentence συμπεσὸν γὰρ τὸ σῶμα καὶ ταριχευθέν, ὥσπερ οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ταριχευθέντες, ὀλίγου ὅλον μένει ἀμήχανον ὅσον χρόνον is bracketed by Schanz after Ast. I see no sufficient reason for doing so; the γὰρ is certainly not very obvious, but may be explained thus, ‘(nor is this the strongest case,) for if a body is embalmed, it remains nearly whole for an incredible time.’ Hirschig brackets ὥσπερ οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ταριχευθέντες: very superfluously. Plato says (1) the body of a healthy man who dies in the prime of life lasts a good while, (2) an Egyptian mummy lasts an indefinite time, (3) even without this some parts of the human frame are almost indestructible.
5 καὶ ἂν σαπῇ: i.e. τὸ ἄλλο σῶμα.
6 εἰς Ἅιδου ὡς ἀληθῶς: To Hades rightly named, the abode of the unseen. Cf. Gorgias 493b.
7 καὶ συνηθροισμένη: Schanz brackets these words, but they are in the best mss., and I see nothing against them. He omits αὐτὴ εἰς ἑαυτήν, which words have much slighter ms. support. I have thought it sufficient to bracket them.
8 ῥᾳδίως: savours of the margin, and I have followed Schanz and Hirschig in bracketing it.
9 ἀγρίων ἐρώτων: Cf. Republic 572b δεινόν τι καὶ ἄγριον καὶ ἄνομον ἐπιθυμιῶν εἶδος ἑκάστῳ ἔνεστι {there exists in every one of us, even in some reputed most respectable, a terrible, fierce and lawless brood of desires}.
10 διάγουσῃ: I have ventured to follow Heindorf and Hirschig in reading thus. The mss. all have διάγουσα, which most editors retain, but which I cannot believe that Plato wrote. It is idle to quote Thucydides vii 42 §2: for in the first place it is rash to argue that a construction found in Thucydides is therefore possible in Plato; secondly, it is not a parallel case. When Thucydides says Συρακοσίοις κατάπληξις ἐγένετο {Syracusans were in consternation}, and after a subordinate clause resumes with ὁρῶντες, the shock is not very great; but that after the regular datives εὐδαίμονι, ἀπηλλαγμένῃ Plato should end with this ungrammatical διάγουσα is quite a different thing. More to the purpose is Prof. Geddes’ citation of Phaedrus 241d, where however Schanz reads λέγονθ΄ for λέγων. Not one of the constructions given in Riddell, Digest of Idioms § 271 following, at all justifies this, which is not an anacoluthon but a solecism. It has been suggested to connect διάγουσα with ἀπέρχεται, but I think this is hardly possible.

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Phaedo, Part 30.

—“Assuredly,” said Kebes.
—“But, I think, |81b| if when it departs from the body it is defiled and impure, because it was always with the body and cared for it and loved it and was fascinated by it and its desires and pleasures, so that it thought nothing was true except the corporeal, which one can touch and see and drink and eat and employ in the pleasures of love, and if it is accustomed to hate and fear and avoid that which is shadowy and invisible to the eyes but is intelligible and tangible to philosophy—do you think a soul in this condition |81c| will depart pure and uncontaminated?”
—“By no means,” said he.
—“But it will be interpenetrated, I suppose, with the corporeal which intercourse and communion with the body have made a part of its nature because the body has been its constant companion and the object of its care?”
—“Certainly.”
—“And, my friend, we must believe that the corporeal is burdensome and heavy and earthly and visible. And such a soul is weighed down by this and is dragged back into the visible world, through fear of the invisible and of the other world, and so, |81d| as they say, it flits about the monuments and the tombs, where shadowy shapes of souls have been seen, figures of those souls which were not set free in purity but retain something of the visible; and this is why they are seen.”
—“That is likely, Sokrates.”
—“It is likely, Kebes. And it is likely that those are not the souls of the good, but those of the base, which are compelled to flit about such places as a punishment for their former evil mode of life. And they flit about |81e| until through the desire of the corporeal which clings to them they are again imprisoned in a body. And they are likely to be imprisoned in natures which correspond to the practices of their former life.”

Φαιδων, Part 30.

—οὕτω νὴ Δία, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης.
|81β| ἐὰν δέ γε οἶμαι μεμιασμένη καὶ ἀκάθαρτος τοῦ σώματος ἀπαλλάττηται, ἅτε τῷ σώματι ἀεὶ συνοῦσα καὶ τοῦτο θεραπεύουσα καὶ ἐρῶσα καὶ γοητευομένη ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὑπό τε τῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ ἡδονῶν, ὥστε μηδὲν ἄλλο δοκεῖν εἶναι ἀληθὲς ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τὸ σωματοειδές, οὗ τις ἂν ἅψαιτο 1 καὶ ἴδοι καὶ πίοι καὶ φάγοι καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἀφροδίσια χρήσαιτο, τὸ δὲ τοῖς ὄμμασι σκοτῶδες καὶ ἀιδές, νοητὸν δὲ καὶ φιλοσοφίᾳ αἱρετόν, τοῦτο δὲ εἰθισμένη μισεῖν τε καὶ τρέμειν καὶ φεύγειν, οὕτω |81ξ| δὴ ἔχουσαν οἴει ψυχὴν αὐτὴν καθ᾽ αὑτὴν εἰλικρινῆ ἀπαλλάξεσθαι;
—οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν, ἔφη.
—ἀλλὰ καὶ διειλημμένην 2 γε οἶμαι ὑπὸ τοῦ σωματοειδοῦς, ὃ αὐτῇ ἡ ὁμιλία τε καὶ συνουσία τοῦ σώματος διὰ τὸ ἀεὶ συνεῖναι καὶ διὰ τὴν πολλὴν μελέτην ἐνεποίησε ξύμφυτον; 3
—πάνυ γε.
—ἐμβριθὲς δέ γε, ὦ φίλε, τοῦτο οἴεσθαι χρὴ εἶναι καὶ βαρὺ καὶ γεῶδες καὶ ὁρατόν: ὃ δὴ καὶ ἔχουσα ἡ τοιαύτη ψυχὴ βαρύνεταί τε καὶ ἕλκεται 4 πάλιν εἰς τὸν ὁρατὸν τόπον φόβῳ τοῦ ἀιδοῦς τε καὶ Ἅιδου, ὥσπερ λέγεται, περὶ τὰ |81δ| μνήματά τε καὶ τοὺς τάφους κυλινδουμένη, περὶ ἃ δὴ καὶ ὤφθη 5 ἄττα ψυχῶν σκιοειδῆ φαντάσματα, οἷα παρέχονται αἱ τοιαῦται ψυχαὶ εἴδωλα, αἱ μὴ καθαρῶς ἀπολυθεῖσαι ἀλλὰ τοῦ ὁρατοῦ μετέχουσαι, διὸ καὶ ὁρῶνται.
—εἰκός γε, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—εἰκὸς μέντοι, ὦ Κέβης: καὶ οὔ τί γε τὰς τῶν ἀγαθῶν αὐτὰς εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τὰς τῶν φαύλων, αἳ περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀναγκάζονται πλανᾶσθαι δίκην τίνουσαι τῆς προτέρας τροφῆς 6 κακῆς οὔσης. καὶ μέχρι γε τούτου πλανῶνται, ἕως ἂν τῇ |81ε| τοῦ συνεπακολουθοῦντος, τοῦ σωματοειδοῦς, ἐπιθυμίᾳ πάλιν ἐνδεθῶσιν εἰς σῶμα:

1 οὗ τις ἂν ἅψαιτο: Cf. Theaetetus 155e οἱ οὐδὲν ἄλλο οἰόμενοι εἶναι ἢ οὗ ἂν δύνωνται ἀπρὶξ τοῖν χεροῖν λαβέσθαι, and Sophist 246a.
2 διειλημμένην: ‘interpenetrated.’ The notion of this word is the mixture of two substances so that the particles of one are held apart by those of the other. The soul’s substance is as it were adulterated by a material alloy. Z. and St. omit καὶ, which is however in the best mss.
3 ξύμφυτον: ‘ingrained.’ The soul’s perpetual communion with the body has so inseparably blended the material and the spiritual that they become virtually one nature; hence even when separated from the body she is not yet freed from matter.
4 βαρύνεταί τε καὶ ἕλκεται: Cf. Phaedrus 248c.
5 περὶ ἃ δὴ καὶ ὤφθη: This is an interesting illustration of the manner in which Plato will take some popular belief, as he often takes some popular expression, and fill it with a deeper meaning of his own. In Laws 865d we find another current opinion about ghosts, here however without any special Platonic turn: that if one man killed another the spirit of the slain wandered about his accustomed haunts, terrifying and tormenting the homicide so long as he remained there.
6 τροφῆς: ‘mode of life.’ ἕως ἂν ‘until by craving after that bodily nature which is their companion they are again confined in a body.’ The presence of this material alloy is sufficient to inspire the soul with bodily desires but cannot afford means to gratify them: so that the longing grows more and more intense until the soul is once more confined in her earthy prison.

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Phaedo, Part 31.

—“What natures do you mean, Sokrates?”
—“I mean, for example, that those who have indulged in gluttony and violence and drunkenness, and have taken no pains to avoid them, are likely to pass into the bodies of asses and other beasts of that sort. |82a| Do you not think so?”
—“Certainly that is very likely.”
—“And those who have chosen injustice and tyranny and robbery pass into the bodies of wolves and hawks and kites. Where else can we imagine that they go?”
—“Beyond a doubt,” said Kebes, “they pass into such creatures.”
—“Then,” said he, “it is clear where all the others go, each in accordance with its own habits?”
—“Yes,” said Kebes, “of course.”
—“Then,” said he, the happiest of those, and those who go to the best place, are those who have practiced, |82b| by nature and habit, without philosophy or reason, the social and civil virtues which are called moderation and justice?”
—“How are these happiest?”
—“Don’t you see? Is it not likely that they pass again into some such social and gentle species as that of bees or of wasps or ants, or into the human race again, and that worthy men spring from them?”
—“Yes.”
  Phaedo, 81e-82b, c. xxxi. These souls pass into the bodies of animals whose habits are likest to their former way of life’; the sensual into asses, the cruel into wolves and hawks; while they that have lacked philosophy but led humane and harmless lives pass into bees and wasps and ants, or even into the human form again.
—With this chapter should be compared the remarkable passage Timaeus 91d following. The other principal statements of Plato on metempsychosis are in Timaeus 41e-42d, Republic 618a-620c, Phaedrus 249b. Wyttenbach has a long and learned note on the subject, dealing chiefly with neoplatonist views. {Unfortunately Wyttenbach’s translation is unavilable to us.}

Φαιδων, Part 31.

—ἐνδοῦνται δέ, ὥσπερ εἰκός, εἰς τοιαῦτα ἤθη ὁποῖ᾽ ἄττ᾽ ἂν καὶ μεμελετηκυῖαι τύχωσιν ἐν τῷ βίῳ.
—τὰ ποῖα δὴ ταῦτα λέγεις, ὦ Σώκρατες;
—οἷον τοὺς μὲν γαστριμαργίας τε καὶ ὕβρεις καὶ φιλοποσίας μεμελετηκότας καὶ μὴ διηυλαβημένους 1 εἰς τὰ τῶν ὄνων γένη |82α| καὶ τῶν τοιούτων θηρίων εἰκὸς ἐνδύεσθαι. ἢ οὐκ οἴει; πάνυ μὲν οὖν εἰκὸς λέγεις.
—τοὺς δέ γε ἀδικίας τε καὶ τυραννίδας καὶ ἁρπαγὰς προτετιμηκότας εἰς τὰ τῶν λύκων τε καὶ ἱεράκων καὶ ἰκτίνων γένη: ἢ ποῖ ἂν ἄλλοσέ φαμεν 2 τὰς τοιαύτας ἰέναι;
—ἀμέλει, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα.
—οὐκοῦν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, δῆλα δὴ καὶ τἆλλα ᾗ ἂν ἕκαστα ἴοι κατὰ τὰς αὐτῶν ὁμοιότητας 3 τῆς μελέτης;
—δῆλον δή, ἔφη: πῶς δ᾽ οὔ;
—οὐκοῦν εὐδαιμονέστατοι, ἔφη, καὶ τούτων εἰσὶ καὶ εἰς βέλτιστον τόπον ἰόντες οἱ τὴν δημοτικὴν καὶ πολιτικὴν |82β| ἀρετὴν 4 ἐπιτετηδευκότες, ἣν δὴ καλοῦσι σωφροσύνην τε καὶ δικαιοσύνην, ἐξ ἔθους τε καὶ μελέτης γεγονυῖαν ἄνευ φιλοσοφίας τε καὶ νοῦ;
—πῇ δὴ οὗτοι εὐδαιμονέστατοι;
—τί; ὅτι τούτους 5 εἰκός ἐστιν εἰς τοιοῦτον 6 πάλιν ἀφικνεῖσθαι πολιτικὸν καὶ ἥμερον γένος, ἤ που μελιττῶν ἢ σφηκῶν ἢ μυρμήκων, καὶ εἰς ταὐτόν γε πάλιν τὸ ἀνθρώπινον γένος, καὶ γίγνεσθαι ἐξ αὐτῶν ἄνδρας μετρίους. 7
—εἰκός.

1 μὴ διευλαβημένους: ‘who have not taken heed to their ways.’
2 φαμεν: So Schanz with the best mss., joining ἂν with ἰέναι. Z. and St. φαῖμεν.
3 κατὰ τὰς αὐτῶν ὁμοιότητας: ‘according to the peculiar affinities of their pursuits.’ Cf. Timaeus 42c κατὰ τὴν ὁμοιότητα τῆς τοῦ τρόπου γενέσεως {quote in context: he shall be changed every time, according to the nature of his wickedness, into some bestial form after the similitude of his own nature; nor in his changings shall he cease from woes until he yields himself to the revolution of the Same and Similar that is within him, and dominating by force of reason that burdensome mass}.
4 δημοτικὴν καὶ πολιτικὴν ἀρετὴν: As to this popular and social virtue see on 69b and Appendix I. In Republic 619c-d we find that this class of people are in great danger of making a bad choice at the αἵρεσις βίῳν {life’s purpose} One who chose a tyrant’s life was τῶν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἡκόντων, ἐν τεταγμένῃ πολιτείᾳ ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ βίῳ βεβιωκότα, ἔθει ἄνευ φιλοσοφίας ἀρετῆς μετειληφότα. ὡς δὲ καὶ εἰπεῖν, οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἁλισκομένους τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἥκοντας, ἅτε πόνων ἀγυμνάστους {he had come down from heaven, a man who had lived in a well-ordered polity in his former existence, participating in virtue by habit and not by philosophy; and one may perhaps say that a majority of those who were thus caught were of the company that had come from heaven, inasmuch as they were unexercised in suffering}.
5 τί; ὅτι τούτους: So Schanz: B has ὅτι ού. St. and Z. give ὅτι τούτους.
6 εἰς τοιοῦτον: ‘to another social and gentle race like themselves.’ In Timaeus 91d-e we have another class of harmless but unphilosophic men with a different destination: tτὸ δὲ τῶν ὀρνέων φῦλον μετερρυθμίζετο, ἀντὶ τριχῶν πτερὰ φύον, ἐκ τῶν ἀκάκων ἀνδρῶν, κούφων δέ, καὶ μετεωρολογικῶν μέν, ἡγουμένων δὲ δι’ ὄψεως τὰς περὶ τούτων ἀποδείξεις βεβαιοτάτας εἶναι δι’ εὐήθειαν. Who these are we learn in Republic 529a-530c: viz. astronomers who fancy that observation of the heavenly bodies is in itself important, apart from its bearing on philosophy.
7 ἄνδρας μετρίους: ‘worthy citizens’; men who practise δημοτικὴ καὶ πολιτικὴ ἀρετὴ {municipal and political virtue} and discharge their social and domestic duties creditably. They belong to a decidedly higher grade than the character described in Republic 554.

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Phaedo, Part 32.

—“And no one who has not been a philosopher and who is not wholly pure when he departs, is allowed to enter into the communion of the gods, |82c| but only the lover of knowledge. It is for this reason, dear Simmias and Kebes, that those who truly love wisdom refrain from all bodily desires and resist them firmly and do not give themselves up to them, not because they fear poverty or loss of property, as most men, in their love of money, do; nor is it because they fear the dishonor or disgrace of wickedness, like the lovers of honor and power, that they refrain from them.”
—“No, that would not be seemly for them, Sokrates,” said Kebes.
—“Most assuredly not,” |82d| said he. “And therefore those who care for their own souls, and do not live in service to the body, turn their backs upon all these men and do not walk in their ways, for they feel that they know not whither they are going. They themselves believe that philosophy, with its deliverance and purification, must not be resisted, and so they turn and follow it whithersoever it leads.”
  Phaedo, 82c-d, a xxxii. But to the company of the gods only the true philosopher can come. For this cause he keeps himself pure from vice, not from the worldly motives that govern the vulgar, but because he will not resist philosophy when she offers freedom and purification to his soul.

Φαιδων, Part 32.

—εἰς δέ γε θεῶν γένος 1 μὴ φιλοσοφήσαντι καὶ παντελῶς |82ξ| καθαρῷ ἀπιόντι οὐ θέμις ἀφικνεῖσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τῷ φιλομαθεῖ. ἀλλὰ τούτων ἕνεκα, ὦ ἑταῖρε Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, οἱ ὀρθῶς φιλόσοφοι ἀπέχονται τῶν κατὰ τὸ σῶμα ἐπιθυμιῶν ἁπασῶν καὶ καρτεροῦσι καὶ οὐ παραδιδόασιν αὐταῖς ἑαυτούς, οὔ τι οἰκοφθορίαν τε καὶ πενίαν φοβούμενοι, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ φιλοχρήματοι: οὐδὲ αὖ ἀτιμίαν τε καὶ ἀδοξίαν μοχθηρίας δεδιότες, ὥσπερ οἱ φίλαρχοί τε καὶ φιλότιμοι, ἔπειτα ἀπέχονται αὐτῶν.
—οὐ γὰρ ἂν πρέποι, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, ὁ Κέβης.
|82δ| οὐ μέντοι μὰ Δία, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς. τοιγάρτοι τούτοις μὲν ἅπασιν, ὦ Κέβης, ἐκεῖνοι οἷς τι μέλει τῆς ἑαυτῶν ψυχῆς ἀλλὰ μὴ σώμά τι πλάττοντες 2 ζῶσι, χαίρειν εἰπόντες, οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ πορεύονται αὐτοῖς ὡς οὐκ εἰδόσιν ὅπῃ ἔρχονται, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἡγούμενοι οὐ δεῖν ἐναντία τῇ φιλοσοφίᾳ πράττειν καὶ τῇ ἐκείνης λύσει τε καὶ καθαρμῷ ταύτῃ δὴ τρέπονται ἐκείνῃ ἑπόμενοι, ᾗ ἐκείνη ὑφηγεῖται.

1 εἰς δέ γε θεῶν γένος: ‘but to the company of the gods none may approach who has not sought wisdom and departed in perfect purity; none but the lover of learning.’ The words ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τῷ φιλομαθεῖ are appended as though μὴ φιλοσοφήσαντι καὶ παντελῶς καθαρῷ ἀπιόντι had not preceded: they are certainly pleonastic, but perfectly natural and intelligible. I see no cause to insert ἄλλῳ, far less to adopt such a violent transposition as Wyttenbach suggests. Φιλομαθὴς and φιλόσοφος are frequently identified by Plato, especially in the passage quoted by Heindorf, Republic 376b τό γε φιλομαθὲς καὶ φιλόσοφον ταὐτόν {the love of learning and the love of wisdom are the same}. St. gives ἄλλῳ ἤ.
2 σώμά τι πλάττοντες: Literally ‘moulding a body,’ i.e. spending all their care on tending the body. Cf. Timaeus 88c τόν τε αὖ σῶμα ἐπιμελῶς πλάττοντα τὰς τῆς ψυχῆς ἀνταποδοτέον κινήσεις {he who is diligent in molding his body must, in turn, provide his soul with motion}. Also Republic 377d καὶ πλάττειν τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς μύθοις πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ σώματα ταῖς χερσίν {shape the children’s souls by these stories rather than their bodies by their hands}. The usage of the word in the present context easily arises from that in the two passages quoted, where it signifies the development of the body by nourishment and training and in each case is opposed to the culture of the soul. The reading of BCD is σώμάτι, whence Fischer suggested σώμά τι, which with the Zurich editors I have adopted: the τι seems to add a touch of contempt. E has σώμάτα, retained by Stallbaum. Ast’s σώμάτι πράττοντες, ‘working for the body,’ is a very strange expression, by no means justified by the use of πράσσειν {practice} in Thucydides. Schanz adopts Heindorf’s bold alteration λατρεύοντες {worshipers} which I cannot approve; far less Madvig’s coinage πελατεύοντες {customers}.

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Phaedo, Part 33.

—“How do they do this, Sokrates?”
—“I will tell you,” he replied. “The lovers of knowledge,” said he, “perceive that when philosophy first takes possession of their soul it is entirely |82e| fastened and welded to the body and is compelled to regard realities through the body as through prison bars, not with its own unhindered vision, and is wallowing in utter ignorance. And philosophy sees that the most dreadful thing about the imprisonment is the fact that it is caused by the lusts of the flesh, so that the prisoner is the |83a| chief assistant in his own imprisonment. The lovers of knowledge, then, I say, perceive that philosophy, taking possession of the soul when it is in this state, encourages it gently and tries to set it free, pointing out that the eyes and the ears and the other senses are full of deceit, and urging it to withdraw from these, except in so far as their use is unavoidable, and exhorting it to collect and concentrate itself within itself, and to trust nothing except |83b| itself and its own abstract thought of abstract existence; and to believe that there is no truth in that which it sees by other means and which varies with the various objects in which it appears, since everything of that kind is visible and apprehended by the senses, whereas the soul itself sees that which is invisible and apprehended by the mind. Now the soul of the true philosopher believes that it must not resist this deliverance, and therefore it stands aloof from pleasures and lusts and griefs and fears, so far as it can, considering that when anyone has violent pleasures or fears or griefs or lusts he suffers from them not merely what one might think—for example, illness or loss of money spent |83c| for his lusts—but he suffers the greatest and most extreme evil and does not take it into account.”
—“What is this evil, Sokrates?” said Kebes.
—“The evil is that the soul of every man, when it is greatly pleased or pained by anything, is compelled to believe that the object which caused the emotion is very distinct and very true; but it is not. These objects are mostly the visible ones, are they not?”
|83d| “Certainly.”
—“And when this occurs, is not the soul most completely put in bondage by the body?”
—“How so?”
—“Because each pleasure or pain nails it as with a nail to the body and rivets it on and makes it corporeal, so that it fancies the things are true which the body says are true. For because it has the same beliefs and pleasures as the body it is compelled to adopt also the same habits and mode of life, and can never depart in purity to the other world, but must always go away contaminated with the body; and so it sinks quickly into another body again and grows into it, |83e| like seed that is sown. Therefore it has no part in the communion with the divine and pure and absolute.”
—“What you say, Sokrates, is very true,” said Kebes.
  Phaedo, 82d-84b, cc. xxxiii, xxxiv. Philosophy, finding the soul a prisoner in her bodily abode, strives by persuasive admonition to set her free; telling her that she is deluded by the body and its sensations: from such she should withdraw herself and trust to herself alone; for she {the soul} alone can behold the invisible and apprehend the true. And the soul that is discreet listens to the voice of philosophy, for she sees that indulgence of bodily passions has this fatal result. Whatsoever awakes in us the strongest pleasure or pain, fear or desire, this we think to be most surely true. So if she share the body’s pleasures and pains, she will also share its beliefs concerning truth; and being the body’s close companion through life will leave it at death contaminated by its nature: therefore she will never reach her home in the invisible but must enter again into another body. For this reason the philosopher is virtuous; not from any common motive; but because, when philosophy is delivering his soul, he will not undo her work by indulging the body’s appetites. So his soul has peace from its troubling and lives apart from it; and at death she returns to her divine abode, fearing not at all lest as she departs she be scattered by the winds and exist no more.

Φαιδων, Part 33.

—πῶς, ὦ Σώκρατες;
—ἐγὼ ἐρῶ, ἔφη. γιγνώσκουσι γάρ, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, οἱ φιλομαθεῖς |82ε| ὅτι παραλαβοῦσα αὐτῶν τὴν ψυχὴν ἡ φιλοσοφία ἀτεχνῶς διαδεδεμένην ἐν τῷ σώματι καὶ προσκεκολλημένην, ἀναγκαζομένην δὲ ὥσπερ διὰ εἱργμοῦ 1 διὰ τούτου σκοπεῖσθαι τὰ ὄντα ἀλλὰ μὴ αὐτὴν δι᾽ αὑτῆς, καὶ ἐν πάσῃ ἀμαθίᾳ κυλινδουμένην, 2 καὶ τοῦ εἱργμοῦ τὴν δεινότητα κατιδοῦσα ὅτι δι᾽ ἐπιθυμίας ἐστίν, 3 ὡς ἂν μάλιστα αὐτὸς ὁ δεδεμένος συλλήπτωρ
|83α| εἴη τοῦ δεδέσθαι, 4 —ὅπερ οὖν λέγω, γιγνώσκουσιν οἱ φιλομαθεῖς ὅτι οὕτω 5 παραλαβοῦσα ἡ φιλοσοφία ἔχουσαν αὐτῶν τὴν ψυχὴν ἠρέμα παραμυθεῖται καὶ λύειν ἐπιχειρεῖ, ἐνδεικνυμένη ὅτι ἀπάτης μὲν μεστὴ ἡ διὰ τῶν ὀμμάτων σκέψις, ἀπάτης δὲ ἡ διὰ τῶν ὤτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων αἰσθήσεων, πείθουσα δὲ ἐκ τούτων μὲν ἀναχωρεῖν, ὅσον μὴ ἀνάγκη αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι, αὐτὴν δὲ εἰς αὑτὴν συλλέγεσθαι καὶ ἁθροίζεσθαι παρακελευομένη, πιστεύειν δὲ μηδενὶ ἄλλῳ ἀλλ᾽
|83β| ἢ αὐτὴν αὑτῇ, ὅτι ἂν νοήσῃ αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν αὐτὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸ τῶν ὄντων: ὅτι δ᾽ ἂν δι᾽ ἄλλων 6 σκοπῇ ἐν ἄλλοις ὂν ἄλλο, μηδὲν ἡγεῖσθαι ἀληθές: εἶναι δὲ τὸ μὲν τοιοῦτον αἰσθητόν τε καὶ ὁρατόν, ὃ δὲ αὐτὴ ὁρᾷ νοητόν τε καὶ ἀιδές. ταύτῃ οὖν τῇ λύσει οὐκ οἰομένη δεῖν ἐναντιοῦσθαι ἡ τοῦ ὡς ἀληθῶς φιλοσόφου ψυχὴ οὕτως ἀπέχεται τῶν ἡδονῶν τε καὶ ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ λυπῶν καὶ φόβων καθ᾽ ὅσον δύναται, λογιζομένη 7 ὅτι, ἐπειδάν τις σφόδρα ἡσθῇ ἢ φοβηθῇ 8 ἢ λυπηθῇ ἢ ἐπιθυμήσῃ, οὐδὲν τοσοῦτον 9 κακὸν ἔπαθεν ἀπ᾽
|83ξ| αὐτῶν ὧν ἄν τις οἰηθείη, οἷον ἢ νοσήσας 10 ἤ τι ἀναλώσας διὰ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας, ἀλλ᾽ ὃ πάντων μέγιστόν τε κακῶν καὶ ἔσχατόν ἐστι, τοῦτο πάσχει καὶ οὐ λογίζεται αὐτό.
—τί τοῦτο, ὦ Σώκρατες; ἔφη ὁ Κέβης.
—ὅτι ψυχὴ 11 παντὸς ἀνθρώπου ἀναγκάζεται ἅμα τε ἡσθῆναι σφόδρα ἢ λυπηθῆναι ἐπί τῳ καὶ ἡγεῖσθαι περὶ ὃ ἂν μάλιστα τοῦτο πάσχῃ, τοῦτο ἐναργέστατόν τε εἶναι καὶ ἀληθέστατον, οὐχ οὕτως ἔχον: ταῦτα δὲ μάλιστα τὰ ὁρατά: 12 ἢ οὔ;
—πάνυ γε.
|83δ| οὐκοῦν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πάθει μάλιστα καταδεῖται ψυχὴ ὑπὸ σώματος;
—πῶς δή;
—ὅτι ἑκάστη ἡδονὴ καὶ λύπη ὥσπερ ἧλον ἔχουσα προσηλοῖ αὐτὴν πρὸς τὸ σῶμα καὶ προσπερονᾷ καὶ ποιεῖ σωματοειδῆ, δοξάζουσαν ταῦτα ἀληθῆ 13 εἶναι ἅπερ ἂν καὶ τὸ σῶμα φῇ. ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ ὁμοδοξεῖν τῷ σώματι καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς χαίρειν ἀναγκάζεται οἶμαι ὁμότροπός τε καὶ ὁμότροφος 14 γίγνεσθαι καὶ οἵα μηδέποτε εἰς Ἅιδου καθαρῶς ἀφικέσθαι, ἀλλὰ ἀεὶ τοῦ σώματος ἀναπλέα ἐξιέναι, ὥστε ταχὺ πάλιν πίπτειν εἰς |83ε| ἄλλο σῶμα καὶ ὥσπερ σπειρομένη ἐμφύεσθαι, καὶ ἐκ τούτων ἄμοιρος εἶναι τῆς τοῦ θείου τε καὶ καθαροῦ καὶ μονοειδοῦς συνουσίας.
—ἀληθέστατα, ἔφη, λέγεις, ὁ Κέβης, ὦ Σώκρατες.

1 διὰ εἱργμοῦ: ‘through the bars of her prison.’ She can indeed see τὰ ὄντα, but only in the material symbols by which alone they reveal themselves to the senses.
2 κυλινδουμένην: ‘wallowing in utter ignorance.’ Stallbaum compares Politicus 309a, Theaetetus 172c.
3 ὅτι δι᾽ ἐπιθυμίας ἐστίν: I take the literal translation of this sentence to be as follows: ‘that it (the prison) exists by means of lust; just the way in which the captive is most apt to aid and abet his own incarceration’; in other words, the prison is the dungeon of lust, wherein the prisoners are accomplices in their own imprisonment: ὡς I understand as a simple relative, ‘in which way.’ The phrase δι᾽ ἐπιθυμίας ἐστίν is understood by Stallbaum as a periphrasis for ἐπιθυμεῖ, by Heindorf for ἐπιθυμεῖται. The former makes the clause ὡς ἂν μάλιστα express the object of the ἐπιθυμία which comes to this: the prison (i.e. the body) desires to find out how the soul may most aid her own imprisonment. But this is downright nonsense. Heindorf rightly interprets the ὡς ἂν μάλιστα clause, except that he makes ὡς = ὤστε. But δι᾽ ἐπιθυμίας ἐστίν = ἐπιθυμεῖται is surely very questionable; moreover it is not the body but bodily pleasures which the embodied soul desires. The interpretation I have suggested precisely agrees with 83d: the prison of lust is just that very one of which the soul shuts the doors upon herself: for each act of indulgence is the shooting of a fresh bolt. The translator in the Engelmann series alone takes the same view: ‘weil er auf der Sinnenlust beruht, auf welche Weise der Gefangene selbst hauptsachlich Heifer seiner Gefangenschaft sein muss.’
4 τοῦ δεδέσθαι: So all the mss. Schanz and Z. after Heindorf’s conjecture read τοῦ. But since συλλαμβάνειν continually takes a dative there is no reason why the verbal συλλήπτωρ should not be followed by the same case: the alteration seems gratuitous.
5 οὕτω goes with ἔχουσαν.
6 δι᾽ ἄλλων: i.e. τῶν διὰ σώματος αἰσθήσεων. ἐν ἄλλοις ὂν ἄλλο, ‘varying with varying conditions.’
7 λογιζομένη: The soul reflects that vehement passions of pleasure, pain, fear, or desire so absorb the attention that nothing seems so real as the object inspiring them. Therefore if she is strongly excited by bodily affections of this kind she will be forced to think nothing so real as these material things: so that instead of seeking truth in the changeless verities of the intelligible she will look for it in the ever-changing flux of phenomena.
8 ἡσθῇ ἢ φοβηθῇ: Z. and St. add ἢ λυπηθῇ, but these words are not in bcd, and the other mss. are not agreed as to their position.
9 οὐδὲν τοσοῦτον: ‘not on the scale that one might suppose.’ For τοσοῦτον virtually = ‘so little,’ compare Republic 608b μέγας γάρ, ἔφην, ὁ ἀγών, ὦ φίλε Γλαύκων, μέγας, οὐχ ὅσος δοκεῖ. Schanz, against the mss., writes ὑπ΄αὐτῶν: but ἀπὸ may equally well be said; ‘arising from them.’
10 οἷον ἢ νοσήσας: the considerations on which the δημοτικὴ ἀρετὴ {civic virtue} is based.
11 ὅτι ψυχὴ: ‘that the soul of every man in the act of feeling some vehement pleasure or pain is at the same time constrained to believe that whatsoever most strongly excites such feelings, this is most vivid and true; whereas it is not so.’
12 τὰ ὁρατά: Heindorf supplied τὰ, which is missing in the mss.
13 ταῦτα ἀληθῆ: So Schanz for ταῦτα: rightly, I think.
14 ὁμότροπός τε καὶ ὁμότροφος: ‘like it in her ways and nurture.’

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Phaedo, Part 34.

—“This, Kebes, is the reason why the true lovers of knowledge are temperate and brave; not the world’s reason. |84a| Or do you disagree?”
—“Certainly not.”
—“No, for the soul of the philosopher would not reason as others do, and would not think it right that philosophy should set it free, and that then when set free it should give itself again into bondage to pleasure and pain and engage in futile toil, like Penelope unweaving the web she wove. No, his soul believes that it must gain peace from these emotions, must follow reason and abide always in it, beholding that which is true and divine and not a matter of opinion, and making that its only food; |84b| and in this way it believes it must live, while life endures, and then at death pass on to that which is akin to itself and of like nature, and be free from human ills. A soul which has been nurtured in this way, Simmias and Kebes, is not likely to fear that it will be torn asunder at its departure from the body and will vanish into nothingness, blown apart by the winds, and be no longer anywhere.”

Φαιδων, Part 34.

—τούτων τοίνυν ἕνεκα, ὦ Κέβης, οἱ δικαίως φιλομαθεῖς κόσμιοί εἰσι καὶ ἀνδρεῖοι, οὐχ ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ ἕνεκά φασιν: 1 ἢ σὺ οἴει;
|84α| οὐ δῆτα ἔγωγε.
—οὐ γάρ: ἀλλ᾽ οὕτω 2 λογίσαιτ᾽ ἂν ψυχὴ ἀνδρὸς φιλοσόφου, καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἰηθείη τὴν μὲν φιλοσοφίαν χρῆναι αὐτὴν λύειν, λυούσης δὲ ἐκείνης, 3 αὐτὴν παραδιδόναι ταῖς ἡδοναῖς καὶ λύπαις ἑαυτὴν πάλιν αὖ ἐγκαταδεῖν καὶ ἀνήνυτον ἔργον πράττειν Πηνελόπης τινὰ ἐναντίως ἱστὸν μεταχειριζομένης, 4 ἀλλὰ γαλήνην τούτων 5 παρασκευάζουσα, ἑπομένη τῷ λογισμῷ καὶ ἀεὶ ἐν τούτῳ 6 οὖσα, τὸ ἀληθὲς καὶ τὸ θεῖον καὶ τὸ ἀδόξαστον
|84β| θεωμένη καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου τρεφομένη, 7 ζῆν τε οἴεται οὕτω δεῖν ἕως ἂν ζῇ, καὶ ἐπειδὰν τελευτήσῃ, εἰς τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ εἰς τὸ τοιοῦτον 8 ἀφικομένη ἀπηλλάχθαι τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων κακῶν. ἐκ δὴ τῆς τοιαύτης τροφῆς οὐδὲν δεινὸν μὴ φοβηθῇ, 9 ταῦτα γ᾽ ἐπιτηδεύσασα, 10 ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, ὅπως μὴ διασπασθεῖσα ἐν τῇ ἀπαλλαγῇ τοῦ σώματος ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνέμων διαφυσηθεῖσα καὶ διαπτομένη οἴχηται καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι οὐδαμοῦ ᾖ.

1 οὐχ ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ ἕνεκά φασιν: ‘not for the reasons which the many assign for being so.’ Schanz brackets φασιν, and Heindorf proposes φαίνονται, both, as I think, needlessly. Stallbaum rightly supplies κόσμιοί εἶναι καὶ ἀνδρεῖοι.
2 οὐ γάρ: ἀλλ᾽ οὕτω: This punctuation is clearly right here as in Phaedrus 276d. οὐ γάρ: ἀλλὰ gives just the wrong sense.
3 λυούσης δὲ ἐκείνης: ‘and while philosophy is loosing her to give herself up to pleasures and pains that they may bind her fast.’ The appended infinitive ἐγκαταδεῖν is a very common idiom, and why Madvig should wish to expunge παραδιδόναι I cannot see. Schanz however brackets it.
4 μεταχειριζομένης: This is doubtless the right reading, although the mss. are stronger in favour of μεταχειριζομένης: the genitive is however, as Prof. Geddes says, easily accounted for by the proximity of Πηνελόπης. The soul works at a kind of Penelope’s web, only in the opposite way. Penelope, to preserve her virtue, undid at night the work she wove by day; the soul weaves again the web of lusts which philosophy has been unravelling to set her free. Prof. Geddes would govern Πηνελόπης by ἐναντίως: but I believe Plato never uses the genitive with this adverb; for in 112e, to which Prof. Geddes refers, τούτου is governed by καταντικρὺ. St. has μεταχειριζομένης.
5 τούτων: Sc. ἡδονῶν καὶ λύπῶν.
6 ἐν τούτῳ See on 59a.
7 ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου τρεφομένη: Compare Phaedrus 248b-c οὗ δ᾽ ἕνεχ᾽ ἡ πολλὴ σπουδὴ τὸ ἀληθείας ἰδεῖν πεδίον οὗ ἐστιν, ἥ τε δὴ προσήκουσα ψυχῆς τῷ ἀρίστῳ νομὴ ἐκ τοῦ ἐκεῖ λειμῶνος τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἥ τε τοῦ πτεροῦ φύσις, ᾧ ψυχὴ κουφίζεται, τούτῳ τρέφεται. The souls which cannot reach the plain of truth τροφῇ δοξαστῇ χρῶνται. Compare the still more striking metaphor in Timaeus 90a-b ἐκεῖθεν γάρ, ὅθεν ἡ πρώτη τῆς ψυχῆς γένεσις ἔφυ, τὸ θεῖον τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ ῥίζαν ἡμῶν ἀνακρεμαννὺν ὀρθοῖ πᾶν τὸ σῶμα.
8 τοιοῦτον: Sc. ἀληθὲς καὶ θεῖον καὶ τὸ ἀδόξαστον.
9 οὐδὲν δεινὸν μὴ φοβηθῇ: For this unusual phrase compare Republic 465b, Apology 28b, Gorgias 520d, Epistle vii 345e. Also Aristophanes Ecclesiazusae 650 οὐχὶ δέος μή σε φιλήσῃ.
10 ταῦτα γ᾽ ἐπιτηδεύσασα: mss. ταῦτα δ᾽. Many editors, beginning with Forster, have regarded these words as a gloss upon ἐκ τοιαύτης τροφῆς, and Schanz brackets them. This view may be right; but I think there is hardly sufficient evidence for bracketing. If the words are genuine, δὲ needs correction. Wyttenbach has ταῦτα τ᾽.
—At first sight the concluding words of the chapter seem to imply that a soul that is pure is less likely to perish than the impure. But since this is not the case, we must understand Plato to mean that the pure soul alone is exempt from fear. The impure soul, having cast in her lot with the body, and having no conception of existence apart from it, may well suppose that corporeal life is a condition of her being: but the pure soul, who has lived apart from the body so far as she may and feels her own independent power, has no misgivings lest the company of her slave be necessary to her existence: the body may dread dissolution, but she is secure.

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Phaedo, Part 35.

—When Sokrates had said this there was silence |84c| for a long time, and Sokrates himself was apparently absorbed in what had been said, as were also most of us. But Simmias and Kebes conversed a little with each other; and Sokrates saw them and said: “Do you think there is any incompleteness in what has been said? There are still many subjects for doubt and many points open to attack, if anyone cares to discuss the matter thoroughly. If you are considering anything else, I have nothing to say; but if you are in any difficulty about these matters, do not hesitate |84d| to speak and discuss them yourselves, if you think anything better could be said on the subject, and to take me along with you in the discussion, if you think you can get on better in my company.”
—And Simmias said: “Sokrates, I will tell you the truth. For some time each of us has been in doubt and has been egging the other on and urging him to ask a question, because we wish to hear your answer, but hesitate to trouble you, for fear that it may be disagreeable to you in your present misfortune.”
—And when he heard is, he laughed gently and said: “Ah, |84e| Simmias! I should have hard work to persuade other people that I do not regard my present situation as a misfortune, when I cannot even make you believe it, but you are afraid I am more churlish now than I used to be. And you seem to think I am inferior in prophetic power to the swans who sing at other times also, but when they feel that they are to die, |85a| sing most and best in their joy that they are to go to the god whose servants they are. But men, because of their own fear of death, misrepresent the swans and say that they sing for sorrow, in mourning for their own death. They do not consider that no bird sings when it is hungry or cold or has any other trouble; no, not even the nightingale or the swallow or the hoopoe which are said to sing in lamentation. I do not believe they sing for grief, nor do the swans; |85b| but since they are Apollo’s birds, I believe they have prophetic vision, and because they have foreknowledge of the blessings in the other world they sing and rejoice on that day more than ever before. And I think that I am myself a fellow-servant of the swans; and am consecrated to the same God and have received from our master a gift of prophecy no whit inferior to theirs, and that I go out from life with as little sorrow as they. So far as this is concerned, then, speak and ask what ever questions you please, so long as the eleven of the Athenians permit.”
—“Good,” said Simmias. |85c| “I will tell you my difficulty, and then Kebes in turn will say why he does not agree to all you have said. I think, Sokrates, as perhaps you do yourself, that it is either impossible or very difficult to acquire clear knowledge about these matters in this life. And yet he is a weakling who does not test in every way what is said about them and persevere until he is worn out by studying them on every side. For he must do one of two things; either he must learn or discover the truth about these matters, or if that is impossible, he must take whatever human doctrine is best |85d| and hardest to disprove and, embarking upon it as upon a raft, sail upon it through life in the midst of dangers, unless he can sail upon some stronger vessel, some divine revelation, and make his voyage more safely and securely. And so now I am not ashamed to ask questions, since you encourage me to do so, and I shall not have to blame myself hereafter for not saying now what I think. For, Sokrates, when I examine what has been said, either alone or with Kebes, it does not seem quite satisfactory.”
  Phaedo, 84c-85d, c. xxxv. Silence ensues as Sokrates ceases: but presently Simmias and Kebes are heard conversing apart. Are you discussing any doubtful matters in the argument? asks Sokrates, for there must be many remaining. Simmias: There are points on which we should like further satisfaction; but we shrink from troubling you at so sad a time. Sokrates: If I cannot convince you that I do not consider my present situation sad, I shall find it hard indeed to persuade the rest of mankind. You think I am more foolish than the swans: for they sing sweetest just before they die; not, as men say, that they are lamenting their approaching death, but because they are Apollo’s birds and know the good things that are in Hades; wherefore they sing in gladness of heart. I too am the servant of Apollo, and I depart this life no less cheerfully than they; speak then, if you. have anything to ask. Simmias: I will speak: the truth of the matters we have been discussing is hard to discover, nevertheless it were faint-hearted to abandon the search. So in default of some divine word we must strive by all means to find the surest theory that human reason can furnish, as it were a raft to bear us over the sea of life. Therefore, I tell you, Sokrates, that the foregoing proof does not seem to me complete.

Φαιδων, Part 35.

|84ξ| Σιγὴ οὖν ἐγένετο ταῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ Σωκράτους ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον, καὶ αὐτός τε πρὸς τῷ εἰρημένῳ λόγῳ 1 ἦν ὁ Σωκράτης, ὡς ἰδεῖν ἐφαίνετο, καὶ ἡμῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι: Κέβης δὲ καὶ Σιμμίας σμικρὸν πρὸς ἀλλήλω διελεγέσθην. καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης ἰδὼν αὐτὼ ἤρετο, τί; ἔφη, ὑμῖν τὰ λεχθέντα μῶν μὴ δοκεῖ ἐνδεῶς λέγεσθαι; πολλὰς γὰρ δὴ ἔτι ἔχει ὑποψίας καὶ ἀντιλαβάς, εἴ γε δή τις αὐτὰ μέλλει ἱκανῶς διεξιέναι. εἰ μὲν οὖν τι ἄλλο σκοπεῖσθον, οὐδὲν λέγω: εἰ δέ τι περὶ τούτων ἀπορεῖτον, μηδὲν ἀποκνήσητε καὶ αὐτοὶ εἰπεῖν καὶ |84δ| διελθεῖν, εἴ πῃ ὑμῖν φαίνεται βέλτιον ἂν λεχθῆναι, 2 καὶ αὖ καὶ ἐμὲ συμπαραλαβεῖν, εἴ τι μᾶλλον οἴεσθε μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ εὐπορήσειν.
—καὶ ὁ Σιμμίας ἔφη: καὶ μήν, ὦ Σώκρατες, τἀληθῆ σοι ἐρῶ. πάλαι γὰρ ἡμῶν ἑκάτερος ἀπορῶν τὸν ἕτερον προωθεῖ καὶ κελεύει ἐρέσθαι διὰ τὸ ἐπιθυμεῖν μὲν ἀκοῦσαι, ὀκνεῖν δὲ ὄχλον παρέχειν, μή σοι ἀηδὲς ᾖ διὰ τὴν παροῦσαν συμφοράν.
—καὶ ὃς ἀκούσας ἐγέλασέν τε ἠρέμα καί φησιν: Βαβαί, ὦ Σιμμία: ἦ που χαλεπῶς ἂν τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους πείσαιμι |84ε| ὡς οὐ συμφορὰν ἡγοῦμαι τὴν παροῦσαν τύχην, ὅτε γε μηδ᾽ ὑμᾶς δύναμαι πείθειν, ἀλλὰ φοβεῖσθε μὴ δυσκολώτερόν τι νῦν διάκειμαι 3 ἢ ἐν τῷ πρόσθεν βίῳ: καί, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν κύκνων δοκῶ φαυλότερος ὑμῖν εἶναι τὴν μαντικήν, οἳ ἐπειδὰν αἴσθωνται ὅτι δεῖ αὐτοὺς ἀποθανεῖν, ᾁδοντες καὶ ἐν |85α| τῷ πρόσθεν χρόνῳ, τότε δὴ πλεῖστα καὶ μάλιστα 4 ᾁδουσι, γεγηθότες ὅτι μέλλουσι παρὰ τὸν θεὸν ἀπιέναι οὗπέρ εἰσι θεράποντες. οἱ δ᾽ ἄνθρωποι διὰ τὸ αὑτῶν δέος τοῦ θανάτου καὶ τῶν κύκνων καταψεύδονται, καί φασιν αὐτοὺς θρηνοῦντας τὸν θάνατον ὑπὸ λύπης ἐξᾴδειν, καὶ οὐ λογίζονται ὅτι οὐδὲν ὄρνεον ᾁδει ὅταν πεινῇ ἢ ῥιγῷ ἤ τινα ἄλλην λύπην λυπῆται, οὐδὲ αὐτὴ ἥ τε ἀηδὼν καὶ χελιδὼν καὶ ὁ ἔποψ, ἃ δή φασι διὰ λύπην θρηνοῦντα ᾁδειν.
—ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε ταῦτά μοι φαίνεται |85β| λυπούμενα ᾁδειν οὔτε οἱ κύκνοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἅτε οἶμαι τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ὄντες, μαντικοί τέ εἰσι καὶ προειδότες τὰ ἐν Ἅιδου ἀγαθὰ ᾁδουσι καὶ τέρπονται ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν διαφερόντως ἢ ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν χρόνῳ. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἡγοῦμαι ὁμόδουλός τε εἶναι τῶν κύκνων καὶ ἱερὸς τοῦ αὐτοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ οὐ χεῖρον ἐκείνων τὴν μαντικὴν ἔχειν παρὰ τοῦ δεσπότου, οὐδὲ δυσθυμότερον αὐτῶν τοῦ βίου ἀπαλλάττεσθαι. ἀλλὰ τούτου γ᾽ ἕνεκα 5 λέγειν τε χρὴ καὶ ἐρωτᾶν ὅτι ἂν βούλησθε, ἕως ἂν Ἀθηναίων 6 ἐῶσιν ἄνδρες ἕνδεκα.
—καλῶς, ἔφη, λέγεις, ὁ Σιμμίας: καὶ ἐγώ τέ σοι ἐρῶ ὃ |85ξ| ἀπορῶ, καὶ αὖ ὅδε, ᾗ οὐκ ἀποδέχεται τὰ εἰρημένα. ἐμοὶ γὰρ δοκεῖ, ὦ Σώκρατες, περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἴσως ὥσπερ καὶ σοὶ τὸ μὲν σαφὲς εἰδέναι ἐν τῷ νῦν βίῳ ἢ ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἢ παγχάλεπόν τι, τὸ μέντοι αὖ τὰ λεγόμενα περὶ αὐτῶν μὴ οὐχὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ ἐλέγχειν καὶ μὴ προαφίστασθαι 7 πρὶν ἂν πανταχῇ σκοπῶν ἀπείπῃ τις, πάνυ μαλθακοῦ εἶναι ἀνδρός: δεῖν γὰρ περὶ αὐτὰ ἕν γέ τι τούτων διαπράξασθαι, ἢ μαθεῖν 8 ὅπῃ ἔχει ἢ εὑρεῖν ἤ, εἰ ταῦτα ἀδύνατον, τὸν γοῦν βέλτιστον τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων λόγων λαβόντα καὶ δυσεξελεγκτότατον, |85δ| ἐπὶ τούτου ὀχούμενον ὥσπερ ἐπὶ σχεδίας κινδυνεύοντα διαπλεῦσαι τὸν βίον, εἰ μή τις δύναιτο ἀσφαλέστερον καὶ ἀκινδυνότερον ἐπὶ βεβαιοτέρου ὀχήματος, ἢ λόγου θείουv 9 τινός, διαπορευθῆναι. καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν ἔγωγε οὐκ ἐπαισχυνθήσομαι ἐρέσθαι, ἐπειδὴ καὶ σὺ ταῦτα λέγεις, οὐδ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν αἰτιάσομαι ἐν ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ὅτι νῦν οὐκ εἶπον ἅ μοι δοκεῖ. ἐμοὶ γάρ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐπειδὴ καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν καὶ πρὸς τόνδε σκοπῶ τὰ εἰρημένα, οὐ πάνυ φαίνεται ἱκανῶς εἰρῆσθαι.

1 πρὸς τῷ εἰρημένῳ λόγῳ: ‘was absorbed in the foregoing discourse.’
2 βέλτιον ἂν λεχθῆναι: The insertion of ἂν, which could easily drop out after βέλτιον, seems to me necessary. Prof. Geddes observes that verbs of thinking often take a bare infinitive, to express duty. This is true: but φαίνεται is not a verb of thinking.
3 διάκειμαι: Heindorf takes this for a subjunctive, and Hirschig reads διάκέωμαι: but, even if διάκειμαι could be a subjunctive, that mood would be positively wrong here. Sokrates says ‘you are afraid (not lest I should be, but) lest I am more peevish than heretofore.’ Contrast this with the words of Simmias, μή σοι ἀηδὲς ᾖ, where the subjunctive has its proper reference to the future.
4 καὶ μάλιστα: Schanz reads κάλλιστα after Blomfield’s conjecture. I have reverted to the reading of the mss.
5 τούτου γ᾽ ἕνεκα: ‘so far as this is concerned.’
6 ἕως ἂν Ἀθηναίων: Cobet proposes ἕως ἂν οἱ ἕνδεκα ἐῶσιν. I do not conceive that any person who has ears to hear will prefer Cobet’s sentence to Plato’s: nor, apart from this, would one willingly sacrifice the grave courtesy of Sokrates’ language. I regret that Schanz determines to bracket the clause; still omission is preferable to mutilation. Prof. Geddes justly says ἄνδρες ἕνδεκα is to be regarded as one expression, and compares 69e τοῖς Ἀθηναίων δικασταῖς. The common reading is ἕως ἂν οἱ, but ἂν οἱ are wanting in the best mss.
7 καὶ μὴ προαφίστασθαι: Hirschig wrongly brackets μὴ. The words παντὶ...προαφίστασθαι are all qualified by μὴ οὐχὶ; or as Heindorf puts it, we may regard καὶ μὴ προαφίστασθαι as equivalent to μὴ προαφισταμένους. We have here a very strong case of μὴ οὐ after a word which only implies negation: cf. Symposium 210b πολλὴ ἄνοια μὴ οὐχ ἕν τε καὶ ταὐτὸν ἡγεῖσθαι.
8 ἢ μαθεῖν: i.e. either to learn from another or to discover by our own researches: cf. 99 c. Hesiod says, Works and Days 291, οὗτος μὲν πανάριστος, ὃς αὐτὸς πάντα νοήσῃ φρασσάμενος, τά κ᾽ ἔπειτα καὶ ἐς τέλος ᾖσιν ἀμείνω: ἐσθλὸς δ᾽ αὖ κἀκεῖνος, ὃς εὖ εἰπόντι πίθηται {Between us and Goodness the gods have placed the sweat of our brows: long and steep is the path that leads to her, and it is rough at the first; but when a man has reached the top, then is she easy to reach, though before that she was hard.}.
9 λόγου θείουv: ‘a divine doctrine’; such as the Orphic traditions. The Pythagorean Simmias, whose mystical tendencies are well contrasted with the clear and acute intellect of Kebes, naturally gives a θεῖος λόγος {godly word} the preference over dialectical demonstration. Cf. 107a. Olympiodoros explains it, αὐτοπτικὸς νοῦς ὁ θεῷ τῷ ὄντι συνών. But the other interpretation is more natural and more dramatically appropriate. The mss. have ἢ λόγου, Schanz brackets ἢ: I have followed Heindorf in omitting it. That ἢ is ever explanatory I do not believe: it certainly is not so in the passages cited by Prof. Geddes. Plato would have used καί. St. retains ἢ.

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Phaedo, Part 36.

|85e| And Sokrates replied: “Perhaps, my friend, you are right. But tell me in what respect it is not satisfactory.”
—“In this,” said he, “that one might use the same argument about harmony and a lyre with its strings. Once might say that the harmony is invisible and incorporeal, and very beautiful and |86a| divine in the well attuned lyre, but the lyre itself and its strings are bodies, and corporeal and composite and earthy and akin to that which is mortal. Now if someone shatters the lyre or cuts and breaks the strings, what if he should maintain by the same argument you employed, that the harmony could not have perished and must still exist? For there would be no possibility that the lyre and its strings, which are of mortal nature, still exist after the strings are broken, and the harmony, |86b| which is related and akin to the divine and the immortal, perish before that which is mortal. He would say that the harmony must still exist somewhere, and that the wood and the strings must rot away before anything could happen to it. And I fancy, Sokrates, that it must have occurred to your own mind that we believe the soul to be something after this fashion; that our body is strung and held together by heat, cold, moisture, dryness, and the like, |86c| and the soul is a mixture and a harmony of these same elements, when they are well and properly mixed. Now if the soul is a harmony, it is clear that when the body is too much relaxed or is too tightly strung by diseases or other ills, the soul must of necessity perish, no matter how divine it is, like other harmonies in sounds and in all the works of artists, and the remains of each body will endure |86d| a long time until they are burnt or decayed. Now what shall we say to this argument, if anyone claims that the soul, being a mixture of the elements of the body, is the first to perish in what is called death?”
  Phaedo, 85e-86d, c. xxxvi. Simmias states his objection. All the terms that have been applied to soul and body may be transferred to harmony and the lyre. The harmony is invisible, immaterial, beautiful, divine; the lyre is material, composite, earthly, perishable. Might we not then on the same principle maintain that the harmony must survive the destruction of the lyre? yet we know it does not. Now suppose the doctrine to be true, that the soul is a harmony of the body, arising from the due proportion and temperament of its parts; will she not, let her be ever so divine, vanish away if these bodily conditions cease? will she not, like other harmonies, cease to be, long before the body itself suffers dissolution?
—As I have pointed out in the introduction, the refutation of this theory does not constitute an argument for immortality. To refute a doctrine which would be fatal to immortality is not the same as to prove immortality. Plato justly considered that a view so widely entertained and so hostile to his own, must be disposed of; but its overthrow leaves the argument precisely where it was at 81a.

Φαιδων, Part 36.

|85ε| καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης, ἴσως γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ ἑταῖρε, ἀληθῆ σοι φαίνεται: ἀλλὰ λέγε ὅπῃ δὴ οὐχ ἱκανῶς.
—ταύτῃ ἔμοιγε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ᾗ δὴ (ᾗ δή: So Forster for ἤδη.) καὶ περὶ ἁρμονίας ἄν τις καὶ λύρας τε καὶ χορδῶν τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον λόγον εἴποι, ὡς ἡ μὲν ἁρμονία ἀόρατον καὶ ἀσώματον καὶ πάγκαλόν τι καὶ |86α| θεῖόν ἐστιν ἐν τῇ ἡρμοσμένῃ λύρᾳ, αὐτὴ δ᾽ ἡ λύρα καὶ αἱ χορδαὶ σώματά τε καὶ σωματοειδῆ καὶ σύνθετα καὶ γεώδη ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦ θνητοῦ συγγενῆ. ἐπειδὰν οὖν ἢ κατάξῃ τις τὴν λύραν ἢ διατέμῃ (διατέμῃ: Schanz brackets this word: needlessly, I think.) καὶ διαρρήξῃ τὰς χορδάς, εἴ τις διισχυρίζοιτο 1 τῷ αὐτῷ λόγῳ ὥσπερ σύ, ὡς ἀνάγκη ἔτι εἶναι τὴν ἁρμονίαν ἐκείνην καὶ μὴ ἀπολωλέναι—οὐδεμία γὰρ μηχανὴ ἂν εἴη τὴν μὲν λύραν ἔτι εἶναι διερρωγυιῶν τῶν χορδῶν 2 καὶ τὰς χορδὰς θνητοειδεῖς οὔσας, τὴν δὲ ἁρμονίαν
|86β| ἀπολωλέναι τὴν τοῦ θείου τε καὶ ἀθανάτου ὁμοφυῆ τε καὶ συγγενῆ, προτέραν τοῦ θνητοῦ ἀπολομένην—ἀλλὰ φαίη ἀνάγκη ἔτι που εἶναι αὐτὴν τὴν ἁρμονίαν, καὶ πρότερον τὰ ξύλα καὶ τὰς χορδὰς κατασαπήσεσθαι πρίν τι ἐκείνην παθεῖν—καὶ γὰρ οὖν, ὦ Σώκρατες, οἶμαι ἔγωγε καὶ αὐτόν σε τοῦτο ἐντεθυμῆσθαι, ὅτι τοιοῦτόν τι μάλιστα ὑπολαμβάνομεν 3 τὴν ψυχὴν εἶναι, ὥσπερ ἐντεταμένου τοῦ σώματος ἡμῶν καὶ συνεχομένου ὑπὸ θερμοῦ καὶ ψυχροῦ καὶ ξηροῦ καὶ ὑγροῦ καὶ τοιούτων τινῶν, κρᾶσιν 4 εἶναι καὶ ἁρμονίαν |86ξ| αὐτῶν τούτων τὴν ψυχὴν ἡμῶν, ἐπειδὰν ταῦτα καλῶς καὶ μετρίως κραθῇ 5 πρὸς ἄλληλα—εἰ οὖν τυγχάνει ἡ ψυχὴ οὖσα ἁρμονία τις, δῆλον ὅτι, ὅταν χαλασθῇ τὸ σῶμα ἡμῶν ἀμέτρως ἢ ἐπιταθῇ ὑπὸ νόσων καὶ ἄλλων κακῶν, τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν ἀνάγκη εὐθὺς ὑπάρχει ἀπολωλέναι, καίπερ οὖσαν θειοτάτην, ὥσπερ καὶ αἱ ἄλλαι ἁρμονίαι αἵ τ᾽ ἐν τοῖς φθόγγοις καὶ ἐν τοῖς τῶν δημιουργῶν ἔργοις πᾶσι, τὰ δὲ λείψανα τοῦ σώματος ἑκάστου πολὺν χρόνον παραμένειν, 6 |86δ| ἕως ἂν ἢ κατακαυθῇ ἢ κατασαπῇ—ὅρα οὖν πρὸς τοῦτον τὸν λόγον τί φήσομεν, ἐάν τις ἀξιοῖ κρᾶσιν οὖσαν τὴν ψυχὴν τῶν ἐν τῷ σώματι ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ θανάτῳ πρώτην ἀπόλλυσθαι.

1 τις διισχυρίζοιτο: The apodosis never comes. Prof. Geddes finds it in ὅρα οὖν, 86d. This is not strictly accurate; for the subject of διισχυρίζοιτο is supposed to maintain that the harmony survives the lyre, while the subject of ἐάν τις ἀξιοῖ maintains that the soul is the first to perish. In fact the protasis ἐάν τις ἀξιοῖ is substituted for the original protasis.
2 διερρωγυιῶν τῶν χορδῶν: is bracketed by Hirschig, whom Schanz follows: again I see no reason.
3 ὑπολαμβάνομεν: The use of the first person by Simmias would seem to imply that this doctrine was Pythagorean. But there is little or no evidence to that effect, and it is irreconcilable with the Pythagorean dogma of transmigration. Aristotle De Anima 1 iv 407b 27 mentions the theory as πιθανὴ πολλοῖς, but without assigning it to any particular school of thinker. Macrobius ascribes it to Pythagoras and Philolaos; but the testimony of so late a writer is worthless. Prof. Geddes remarks that it seems more Eleatic than Pythagorean: and there certainly is some resemblance between this ἀρμονία and the conception of ψυχὴ as a κρῇμα attributed to Zeno by Diogenes Laertius ix 29. The view of Parmenides is expounded by Theophrastos De Sensu §§ 3, 4: it is however merely a theory of perception. The opinion that soul is a harmony was certainly held by Aristoxenos the musician, as we learn from Cicero Tusc. 1 10: and Lucretius in controverting the theory (in 94 following) evidently had him chiefly in his mind; cf. in 131 redde harmoniai Nomen ad organicos alto delatum Heliconi. But Aristoxenos was a pupil of Aristotle not a Pythagorean. On the whole then it seems probable that Simmias is not speaking as a Pythagorean, but making himself the exponent of a widely received opinion. Kebes, who is equally a Pythagorean, professes his disbelief in the doctrine, 87a: but on the other hand it is a favourite theory with Echekrates, 88d.
4 κρᾶσιν: ‘a temperament.’ Compare the lines of Parmenides quoted by Theophrastos l.l. (Karsten 145 following) {Greek not includeds}. That is to say, the character of the perception is dominated by the preponderating elements of the percipient. As Theophrastos remarks, Parmenides does not distinguish between φρονεῖν and αἰσθάνεσθαι.
  The word ἁρμονία is generally used to denote a succession of musical tones, not their simultaneous accord, for which συμφωνία is the ordinary term. The former meaning is however here clearly unsuitable; and in fact ἁρμονία is a general term expressing the relation between musical sounds, in itself signifying neither succession nor accord. That ἁρμονία includes συμφωνία is proved by Republic 617b: the eight sirens standing on the whorl of the spindle sing each a single tone: ἐκ πασῶν δὲ ὀκτὼ οὐσῶν μίαν ἁρμονίαν ξυμφωνεῖν.
5 μετρίως κραθῇ: Cf. Diogenes Laertius ix 29 ψυχὴν κρᾶμα ὑπάρχειν ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων κατὰ μηδενὸς τούτων ἐπικράτησιν. {The generation of man proceeds from earth, and the soul is formed by a union of all the foregoing, so blended that no one element predominates.}
6 παραμένειν: ‘remain with us.’ Cf. 62e. The word occurs again and again in this sense; yet Hirschig must needs alter it to ἐπιμένειν {to remain}.

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Phaedo, Part 37.

—Then Sokrates, looking keenly at us, as he often used to do, smiled and said: “Simmias raises a fair objection. Now if any of you is readier than I, why does he not reply to him? For he seems to score a good point. However, I think |86e| before replying to him we ought to hear what fault our friend Kebes finds with our argument, that we may take time to consider what to say, and then when we have heard them, we can either agree with them, if they seem to strike the proper note, or, if they do not, we can proceed to argue in defence of our reasoning. Come, Kebes,” said he, “tell us what it was that troubled you.”
—“Well, I will tell you,” said Kebes. “The argument seems to me to be just where it was, and to be still open to the objection I made before. |87a| For I do not deny that it has been very cleverly, and, if I may say so, conclusively shown that the soul existed before it entered into this bodily form, but it does not seem to me proved that it will still exist when we are dead. I do not agree with Simmias’ objection, that the soul is not stronger and more lasting than the body, for I think it is far superior in all such respects. ‘Why then,’ the argument might say, ‘do you still disbelieve, when you see that after a man dies |87b| the weaker part still exists? Do you not think the stronger part must necessarily be preserved during the same length of time?’ Now see if my reply to this has any sense. I think I may, like Simmias, best express myself in a figure. It seems to me that it is much as if one should say about an old weaver who had died, that the man had not perished but was safe and sound somewhere, and should offer as a proof of this the fact that the cloak which the man had woven and used to wear was still whole and had not perished. Then if anyone did not believe him, he would ask |87c| which lasts longer, a man or a cloak that is in use and wear, and when the answer was given that a man lasts much longer, he would think it had been proved beyond a doubt that the man was safe, because that which was less lasting had not perished.
—“But I do not think he is right, Simmias, and I ask you especially to notice what I say. Anyone can understand that a man who says this is talking nonsense. For the weaver in question wove and wore out many such cloaks and |87d| lasted longer than they, though they were many, but perished, I suppose, before the last one. Yet a man is not feebler or weaker than a cloak on that account at all. And I think the same figure would apply to the soul and the body and it would be quite appropriate to say in like manner about them, that the soul lasts a long time, but the body lasts a shorter time and is weaker. And, one might go on to say that each soul wears out many bodies, especially if the man lives many years. For if the body is constantly changing and being destroyed while the man still lives, |87e| and the soul is always weaving anew that which wears out, then when the soul perishes it must necessarily have on its last garment, and this only will survive it, and when the soul has perished, then the body will at once show its natural weakness and will quickly disappear in decay. And so we are not yet justified in feeling sure, on the strength of this argument, |88a| that our souls will still exist somewhere after we are dead. For if one were to grant even more to a man who uses your argument, Sokrates, and allow not only that our souls existed before we were born, but also that there is nothing to prevent some of them from continuing to exist and from being born and dying again many times after we are dead, because the soul is naturally so strong that it can endure repeated births,—even allowing this, one might not grant that it does not suffer by its many births and does not finally perish altogether in one of its deaths. |88b| But he might say that no one knows beforehand the particular death and the particular dissolution of the body which brings destruction to the soul, for none of us can perceive that. Now if this is the case, anyone who feels confident about death has a foolish confidence, unless he can show that the soul is altogether immortal and imperishable. Otherwise a man who is about to die must always fear that his soul will perish utterly in the impending dissolution of the body.”
  Phaedo, 86d-88b, c. xxxvii. Sokrates defers his reply to Simmias until he has heard the objection of Kebes, which the latter states as follows. I think our argument is no further on than it was: I admit that the ante-natal existence of the soul has been fairly proved, but the evidence of her existence after death seems still insufficient. Not that I agree with the objection of Simmias; but all that has yet been proved is that the soul is more lasting than the body. Suppose a weaver were in the habit of making his own coats; in the course of his life he would wear out many coats; but when his time came to die, the last coat would exist after him; yet we do not deny that the weaver is more durable than the coat. Similarly the soul in the course of a man’s life may wear out many bodies: that is, so fast as the body wastes, she may renew it like a garment that needs mending; but when the time of her dissolution comes, she perishes and the body as last renewed by her exists after her. Or to grant you even more: let us suppose that she wears out many bodies, not only in the span of one life, but in many lives; and that at the separation she continues to exist in Hades; yet we have no assurance that this goes on forever; after repeated incarnations she may gradually be wearied out, and some one of them will be her last. Therefore it is not enough to show that the soul is ever so much stronger and more lasting than the body: you must show that in her own nature she is altogether indissoluble and eternal; else our hope of immortality is but foolishness.

Φαιδων, Part 37.

—διαβλέψας 1 οὖν ὁ Σωκράτης, ὥσπερ τὰ πολλὰ εἰώθει, καὶ μειδιάσας, δίκαια μέντοι, ἔφη, λέγει ὁ Σιμμίας. εἰ οὖν τις ὑμῶν εὐπορώτερος ἐμοῦ, τί οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο; καὶ γὰρ οὐ φαύλως ἔοικεν ἁπτομένῳ 2 τοῦ λόγου. δοκεῖ μέντοι μοι χρῆναι πρὸ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως ἔτι πρότερον κέβητος ἀκοῦσαι |86ε| τί αὖ ὅδε ἐγκαλεῖ τῷ λόγῳ, ἵνα χρόνου ἐγγενομένου βουλευσώμεθα τί ἐροῦμεν, ἔπειτα δὲ ἀκούσαντας ἢ συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐάν τι δοκῶσι προσᾴδειν, 3 ἐὰν δὲ μή, οὕτως ἤδη ὑπερδικεῖν τοῦ λόγου. ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὦ Κέβης, λέγε, τί ἦν τὸ σὲ αὖ θρᾶττον 4 [ἀπιστίαν παρέχει].
—λέγω δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὃς ὁ Κέβης. ἐμοὶ γὰρ φαίνεται ἔτι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ 5 ὁ λόγος εἶναι, καί, ὅπερ ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν ἐλέγομεν, |87α| ταὐτὸν ἔγκλημα ἔχειν. ὅτι μὲν γὰρ ἦν ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ πρὶν εἰς τόδε τὸ εἶδος ἐλθεῖν, οὐκ ἀνατίθεμαι μὴ οὐχὶ πάνυ χαριέντως καί, εἰ μὴ ἐπαχθές 6 ἐστιν εἰπεῖν, πάνυ ἱκανῶς ἀποδεδεῖχθαι: ὡς δὲ καὶ ἀποθανόντων ἡμῶν ἔτι που ἔστιν, οὔ μοι δοκεῖ τῇδε. ὡς μὲν οὐκ ἰσχυρότερον καὶ πολυχρονιώτερον ψυχὴ σώματος, οὐ ξυγχωρῶ 7 τῇ Σιμμίου ἀντιλήψει: δοκεῖ γάρ μοι πᾶσι τούτοις πάνυ πολὺ διαφέρειν. τί οὖν, ἂν φαίη ὁ λόγος, ἔτι ἀπιστεῖς, ἐπειδὴ ὁρᾷς ἀποθανόντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τό γε ἀσθενέστερον ἔτι ὄν; τὸ δὲ πολυχρονιώτερον |87β| οὐ δοκεῖ σοι ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι ἔτι σῴζεσθαι ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ; πρὸς δὴ τοῦτο τόδε ἐπίσκεψαι, εἴ τι λέγω: εἰκόνος γάρ τινος, ὡς ἔοικεν, κἀγὼ ὥσπερ Σιμμίας δέομαι.
—ἐμοὶ γὰρ δοκεῖ ὁμοίως λέγεσθαι 7 ταῦτα ὥσπερ ἄν τις περὶ ἀνθρώπου ὑφάντου πρεσβύτου ἀποθανόντος λέγοι τοῦτον τὸν λόγον, ὅτι οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι που σῶς, 8 τεκμήριον δὲ παρέχοιτο θοἰμάτιον ὃ ἠμπείχετο αὐτὸς ὑφηνάμενος 9 ὅτι ἐστὶ σῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν, καὶ εἴ τις |87ξ| ἀπιστοίη 10 αὐτῷ, ἀνερωτῴη πότερον πολυχρονιώτερόν ἐστι τὸ γένος ἀνθρώπου ἢ ἱματίου ἐν χρείᾳ τε ὄντος καὶ φορουμένου, ἀποκριναμένου δή τινος ὅτι πολὺ τὸ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, οἴοιτο ἀποδεδεῖχθαι ὅτι παντὸς ἄρα μᾶλλον ὅ γε ἄνθρωπος σῶς ἐστιν, ἐπειδὴ τό γε ὀλιγοχρονιώτερον οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν.
—τὸ δ᾽ 11 οἶμαι, ὦ Σιμμία, οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει: σκόπει γὰρ καὶ σὺ ἃ λέγω. πᾶς γὰρ ἂν ὑπολάβοι ὅτι εὔηθες λέγει ὁ τοῦτο λέγων: ὁ γὰρ ὑφάντης οὗτος πολλὰ κατατρίψας τοιαῦτα ἱμάτια καὶ ὑφηνάμενος ἐκείνων μὲν ὕστερος ἀπόλωλεν πολλῶν |87δ| ὄντων, τοῦ δὲ τελευταίου οἶμαι πρότερος, καὶ οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον τούτου ἕνεκα ἄνθρωπός ἐστιν ἱματίου φαυλότερον οὐδ᾽ ἀσθενέστερον. τὴν αὐτὴν δὲ ταύτην οἶμαι εἰκόνα δέξαιτ᾽ ἂν ψυχὴ πρὸς σῶμα, καί τις λέγων αὐτὰ ταῦτα περὶ αὐτῶν μέτρι᾽ ἄν μοι φαίνοιτο λέγειν, ὡς ἡ μὲν ψυχὴ πολυχρόνιόν ἐστι, τὸ δὲ σῶμα ἀσθενέστερον καὶ ὀλιγοχρονιώτερον: ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἂν φαίη ἑκάστην τῶν ψυχῶν πολλὰ σώματα κατατρίβειν, 12 ἄλλως τε κἂν πολλὰ ἔτη βιῷ—εἰ γὰρ ῥέοι 13 τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἀπολλύοιτο ἔτι ζῶντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, |87ε| ἀλλ᾽ ἡ ψυχὴ ἀεὶ τὸ κατατριβόμενον ἀνυφαίνοι—ἀναγκαῖον μεντἂν εἴη, ὁπότε ἀπολλύοιτο ἡ ψυχή, τὸ τελευταῖον ὕφασμα τυχεῖν αὐτὴν ἔχουσαν καὶ τούτου μόνου προτέραν ἀπόλλυσθαι, ἀπολομένης δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς τότ᾽ ἤδη τὴν φύσιν τῆς ἀσθενείας ἐπιδεικνύοι 14 τὸ σῶμα καὶ ταχὺ σαπὲν διοίχοιτο.
—ὥστε τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ οὔπω ἄξιον πιστεύσαντα θαρρεῖν ὡς |88α| ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνωμεν ἔτι που ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχὴ ἔστιν. 15 εἰ γάρ τις καὶ πλέον ἔτι τῷ λέγοντι ἢ 16 ἃ σὺ λέγεις συγχωρήσειεν, δοὺς αὐτῷ μὴ μόνον ἐν τῷ πρὶν καὶ γενέσθαι ἡμᾶς χρόνῳ εἶναι ἡμῶν τὰς ψυχάς, ἀλλὰ μηδὲν κωλύειν καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνωμεν ἐνίων ἔτι εἶναι καὶ ἔσεσθαι καὶ πολλάκις γενήσεσθαι καὶ ἀποθανεῖσθαι αὖθις—οὕτω γὰρ αὐτὸ 17 φύσει ἰσχυρὸν εἶναι, ὥστε πολλάκις γιγνομένην ψυχὴν ἀντέχειν—δοὺς δὲ ταῦτα ἐκεῖνο μηκέτι συγχωροῖ, μὴ οὐ πονεῖν αὐτὴν ἐν ταῖς πολλαῖς γενέσεσιν καὶ τελευτῶσάν γε ἔν τινι τῶν θανάτων παντάπασιν ἀπόλλυσθαι, τοῦτον δὲ τὸν |88β| θάνατον 18 καὶ ταύτην τὴν διάλυσιν τοῦ σώματος ἣ τῇ ψυχῇ φέρει ὄλεθρον μηδένα φαίη εἰδέναι—ἀδύνατον γὰρ εἶναι ὁτῳοῦν αἰσθέσθαι ἡμῶν—εἰ δὲ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει, | οὐδενὶ προσήκει θάνατον θαρροῦντι μὴ οὐκ ἀνοήτως θαρρεῖν, ὃς ἂν μὴ ἔχῃ ἀποδεῖξαι ὅτι ἔστι ψυχὴ παντάπασιν ἀθάνατόν τε καὶ ἀνώλεθρον: εἰ δὲ μή, ἀνάγκην εἶναι ἀεὶ τὸν μέλλοντα ἀποθανεῖσθαι δεδιέναι ὑπὲρ τῆς αὑτοῦ ψυχῆς μὴ ἐν τῇ νῦν τοῦ σώματος διαζεύξει παντάπασιν ἀπόληται.

1 διαβλέψας: ‘with a piercing glance.’ This rare word well describes the penetrating gaze of Sokrates’ prominent eyes (Theaetetus 143e) from under the gathered eyebrows: much the same is expressed by ταυρηδὸν ὑποβλέψας in 117b. The preposition seems to have the same force as in one usage of διαβαίνω—i.e. with eyelids far apart: cf. Aristotle De Insomniis 462a 13 ‘with eyes wide open.’ Compare Xenophon Symposium V v 5, where Sokrates says οὕτω μὲν τοίνυν ἤδη οἱ ἐμοὶ ὀφθαλμοὶ καλλίονες ἂν τῶν σῶν εἴησαν. πῶς δή; ὅτι οἱ μὲν σοὶ τὸ κατ᾽ εὐθὺ μόνον ὁρῶσιν, οἱ δὲ ἐμοὶ καὶ τὸ ἐκ πλαγίου διὰ τὸ ἐπιπόλαιοι εἶναι. {“My eyes are finer ones than yours…because, while yours see only straight ahead, mine, by bulging out as they do, see also to the sides.”}
2 ἁπτομένῳ: ‘he is one, it seems, who takes the question in hand after a thorough-going fashion.’ I think this rendering is more agreeable to Plato’s use of the phrase ἄπτεσθαι λόγου than that of Mr. Cope and Prof. Geddes, who take it to mean ‘attack.’ Cf. Euthydemus 283a, Republic 538c, Phaedrus 279a.
3 προσᾴδειν = speak to the purpose. This use seems to be directly derived from that in Laws 670b γελοῖος γὰρ ὅ γε πολὺς ὄχλος ἡγούμενος ἱκανῶς γιγνώσκειν τό τε εὐάρμοστον καὶ εὔρυθμον καὶ μή, ὅσοι προσᾴδειν αὐτῶν καὶ βαίνειν ἐν ῥυθμῷ γεγόνασι διηναγκασμένοι. {It is absurd of the general crowd to imagine that they can fully understand what is harmonious and rhythmical, or the reverse, when they have been drilled to sing to the flute or step in time.}
4 τὸ σὲ αὖ θρᾶττον: In order to retain the words ἀπιστίαν παρέχει, some editors have altered τὸ into ὅ. I have judged it better to follow Hermann and Schanz in bracketing them as a gloss. This abbreviated form of ταράττειν is more than once used to express a misgiving as to the validity of an argument: cf. Theaetetus 187c, Parmenides 130d.
5 ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ: i.e. just where it was at the end of the discussion of anamnesis. Kebes is perfectly right: the reasoning contained in chapters 25-29 at best affords a mere presumption in favour of immortality: see note on 78c.
6 ἐπαχθές: ‘arrogant.’
7 οὐ ξυγχωρῶ: Again we may observe the superior acuteness of Kebes. The objection of Simmias is ingenious and plausible, but somewhat flimsy: it crumbles away at the first touch of the elenchus: moreover its refutation adds nothing to the argument. That of Kebes goes straight to the root of the matter, and obliges Sokrates to put forth his whole argumentative strength; while its disproof constitutes the crowning argument of the dialogue.
  δοκεῖ γάρ: ‘for I think soul is far superior in all these respects.’
8 ὁμοίως λέγεσθαι: ‘for I think your argument is exactly parallel to the assertion one might make about a weaver who died at an advanced age.’ Heindorf would insert εἰ, but this is not necessary.
9 ἔστι που σῶς: I adopt without hesitation Forster’s admirable emendation, which by a very slight change materially improves the sense, ἴσως seems to me quite inappropriate, notwithstanding Heindorf’s defence of it and its retention by Z. and St.
10 αὐτὸς ὑφηνάμενος: The weaver is chosen as the closest parallel to the soul, who is perpetually renewing the body that is her vesture.
11 ἀπιστοίη: mss. ἀπιστῶν which cannot stand, since the question would be pointless in the mouth of an opponent. The ἂν which belongs to λέγοι also does duty for παρέχοιτο, ἀνερωτῷη, and οἴοιτο {which lasts longer, a man or a cloak that is in use and wear,…a man lasts much longer, he would think it had been proved beyond a doubt that the man was safe, because that which was less lasting had not perished.}.
12 τὸ δὲ: ‘but in fact this is not the case. 7 Cf. Theaetetus 157b, Sophist 244a, Laws 642a.
13 πολλὰ σώματα κατατρίβειν: i.e. within the limits of a single human life. Kebes puts his case in two forms: the superior durability of the soul is consistent with the supposition (1) that during the ordinary span of human life she wears out many bodies, perpetually restoring them as they suffer waste; (2) that after separation from one body she may survive and enter into another and another. Yet in the first case she may become extinct on separating from the body; in the second she may after several incarnations be worn out by her labours and at some one separation perish utterly. Therefore we cannot argue that because the soul outlasts the body she is necessarily immortal.
14 εἰ γὰρ ῥέοι: Compare Timaeus 43a τὰς τῆς ἀθανάτου ψυχῆς περιόδους ἐνέδουν εἰς ἐπίρρυτον σῶμα καὶ ἀπόρρυτον {souls, then, being thus bound within a mighty river neither mastered it nor were mastered, but with violence they rolled along and were rolled along themselves}.
15 ἐπιδεικνύοι: Prof. Geddes is not, I think, right in referring this optative to indirect speech, though Soph. Phil. 617 would justify it (not the other passage he cites). As Stallbaum points out av is easily carried on from above, ἀναγκαῖον μεντἂν.
16 ἡ ψυχὴ ἔστιν: Schanz adopts ἔσται from Hirschig, for which I see no sufficient reason, since ἔστιν is general. Note that Kebes treats the whole of chapters 25-29 as intended to supplement anamnesis by showing the after-existence of the soul: he recurs to the objection he made at 77c, against which Sokrates appeals to antapodosis but nevertheless proceeds to bring fresh evidence.
17 τῷ λέγοντι [ἢ]: Madvig proposed to strike out ἢ, and Schanz seems right in bracketing it. For (1) τῷ λέγοντι wants an object, (2) Kebes offers to grant not more than what Sokrates says, but more than he has himself just said. He will grant not only that the soul may have existed before birth and may wear out many bodies in this life before perishing, but also that she may survive the severance once or many times before she herself succumbs.
18 οὕτω γὰρ αὐτὸ: αὐτὸ, referring to ψυχὴν seems to be attracted into the gender of ἰσχυρὸν. Prof. Geddes compares 109a πάμμεγά τι εἶναι αὐτό, sc. τὴν γῆν.
19 τοῦτον δὲ τὸν θάνατον: Since no one knows how often his soul has already been incarnate, he cannot tell whether or not she may survive the termination of his present life.
20 εἰ δὲ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει: ‘if the hypothesis I suggest be true.’ Few who have read through this forcibly stated argument will agree with Wagner that ‘it gives the reader the impression that Kebes is represented as an awkward speaker, because he is not a clear thinker.’

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Phaedo, Part 38.

—Now all of us, as we remarked to one another afterwards, |88c| were very uncomfortable when we heard what they said; for we had been thoroughly convinced by the previous argument, and now they seemed to be throwing us again into confusion and distrust, not only in respect to the past discussion but also with regard to any future one. They made us fear that our judgment was worthless or that no certainty could be attained in these matters.
Echecrates: “By the gods, Phaedo, I sympathize with you; for I myself after listening to you am inclined to ask myself: |88d| ‘What argument shall we believe henceforth? For the argument of Sokrates was perfectly convincing, and now it has fallen into discredit.’ For the doctrine that the soul is a kind of harmony has always had (and has now) a wonderful hold upon me, and your mention of it reminded me that I had myself believed in it before. Now I must begin over again and find another argument to convince me that when a man dies his soul does not perish with him. So, for heaven’s sake, tell how Sokrates |88e| continued the discourse, and whether he also, as you say the rest of you did, showed any uneasiness, or calmly defended his argument. And did he defend it successfully? Tell us everything as accurately as you can.”
Phaedo: “Echecrates, I have often wondered at Sokrates, but never did I admire him more |89a| than then. That he had an answer ready was perhaps to be expected; but what astonished me more about him was, first, the pleasant, gentle, and respectful manner in which he listened to the young men’s criticisms, secondly, his quick sense of the effect their words had upon us, and lastly, the skill with which he cured us and, as it were, recalled us from our flight and defeat and made us face about and follow him and join in his examination of the argument.”
Echecrates: “How did he do it?”
Phaedo: “I will tell you. I was sitting at his right hand on a low stool |89b| beside his couch, and his seat was a good deal higher than mine. He stroked my head and gathered the hair on the back of my neck into his hand—he had a habit of playing with my hair on occasion—and said, ‘Tomorrow, perhaps, Phaedo, you will cut off this beautiful hair.’”
—“I suppose so, Sokrates,” said I.
—“Not if you take my advice.”
—“What shall I do then?” I asked.
—“You will cut it off today, and I will cut mine, if our argument dies and we cannot bring it to life again. |89c| If I were you and the argument escaped me, I would take an oath, like the Argives, not to let my hair grow until I had renewed the fight and won a victory over the argument of Simmias and Kebes.”
—“But,” I replied, “they say that even Heracles is not a match for two.”
—“Well,” said he, “call me to help you, as your Iolaus, while there is still light.”
—“I call you to help, then,” said I, “not as Heracles calling Iolaus, but as Iolaus calling Heracles.”
—“That is all one,” said he.
  Phaedo, 88c-89c, c. xxxviii. Phaedo pauses to describe the effect of these objections upon the audience: how argument and in their own judgment. Echekrates sympathises, adding that the conception of soul as a harmony has always had a strong attraction for him. He desires to know how Sokrates behaved. Never, replies Phaedo, did Sokrates appear to greater advantage: he showed neither irritation nor dismay; he cheered and encouraged us, as a general rallies his broken forces. In illustration thereof Phaedo narrates a little by-play which passed between Sokrates and himself.
—By interposing this interlude Plato desires to mark in the most emphatic manner that an acute crisis has arrived in the discussion. The whole position has to be reconsidered, and the argument, as Echekrates says, started again almost from the beginning. The exact situation of the argument at this point is dealt with in the Introduction §2, where I have tried to show as clearly as possible the relation between the earlier and the later part of the demonstration. A short dialogue between Phaedo and Echekrates is similarly introduced at 102a to mark the completion of an important step.

Φαιδων, Part 38.

|88ξ| πάντες οὖν ἀκούσαντες εἰπόντων αὐτῶν ἀηδῶς διετέθημεν, ὡς ὕστερον ἐλέγομεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὅτι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔμπροσθεν λόγου σφόδρα πεπεισμένους ἡμᾶς πάλιν ἐδόκουν ἀναταράξαι καὶ εἰς ἀπιστίαν καταβαλεῖν οὐ μόνον τοῖς προειρημένοις λόγοις, 1 ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὰ ὕστερον μέλλοντα ῥηθήσεσθαι, μὴ οὐδενὸς ἄξιοι εἶμεν κριταὶ ἢ καὶ τὰ πράγματα αὐτὰ ἄπιστα ᾖ. 2
Ἐχεκράτης νὴ τοὺς θεούς, ὦ Φαίδων, συγγνώμην γε ἔχω ὑμῖν. καὶ γὰρ αὐτόν με νῦν ἀκούσαντά σου τοιοῦτόν τι λέγειν |88δ| πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν ἐπέρχεται: ‘τίνι οὖν ἔτι πιστεύσομεν λόγῳ; ὡς γὰρ σφόδρα 3 πιθανὸς ὤν, ὃν ὁ Σωκράτης ἔλεγε λόγον, νῦν εἰς ἀπιστίαν καταπέπτωκεν.’ θαυμαστῶς γάρ μου ὁ λόγος οὗτος ἀντιλαμβάνεται 4 καὶ νῦν καὶ ἀεί, τὸ ἁρμονίαν τινὰ ἡμῶν εἶναι τὴν ψυχήν, καὶ ὥσπερ ὑπέμνησέν με ῥηθεὶς ὅτι καὶ αὐτῷ μοι ταῦτα προυδέδοκτο. καὶ πάνυ δέομαι πάλιν ὥσπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἄλλου τινὸς λόγου ὅς με πείσει ὡς τοῦ ἀποθανόντος οὐ συναποθνῄσκει ἡ ψυχή. λέγε οὖν πρὸς Διὸς πῇ ὁ Σωκράτης μετῆλθε τὸν λόγον; καὶ πότερον |88ε| κἀκεῖνος, ὥσπερ ὑμᾶς φῄς, ἔνδηλός τι 5 ἐγένετο ἀχθόμενος ἢ οὔ, ἀλλὰ πρᾴως ἐβοήθει τῷ λόγῳ; ἢ καὶ ἱκανῶς ἐβοήθησεν ἢ ἐνδεῶς; πάντα ἡμῖν δίελθε ὡς δύνασαι ἀκριβέστατα.
Φαίδων: καὶ μήν, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, πολλάκις θαυμάσας Σωκράτη οὐ πώποτε μᾶλλον ἠγάσθην ἢ τότε παραγενόμενος.
|89α| τὸ μὲν οὖν ἔχειν ὅ τι λέγοι ἐκεῖνος 6 ἴσως οὐδὲν ἄτοπον: ἀλλὰ ἔγωγε μάλιστα ἐθαύμασα αὐτοῦ πρῶτον μὲν τοῦτο, ὡς ἡδέως καὶ εὐμενῶς καὶ ἀγαμένως τῶν νεανίσκων τὸν λόγον ἀπεδέξατο, ἔπειτα ἡμῶν ὡς ὀξέως ᾔσθετο 7 ὃ ‘πεπόνθεμεν ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων, ἔπειτα ὡς εὖ ἡμᾶς ἰάσατο καὶ ὥσπερ πεφευγότας καὶ ἡττημένους ἀνεκαλέσατο καὶ προύτρεψεν πρὸς τὸ παρέπεσθαί τε καὶ συσκοπεῖν τὸν λόγον.
Ἐχεκράτης πῶς δή;
Φαίδων: ἐγὼ ἐρῶ. ἔτυχον γὰρ ἐν δεξιᾷ αὐτοῦ καθήμενος |89β| παρὰ τὴν κλίνην ἐπὶ χαμαιζήλου τινός, ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ πολὺ ὑψηλοτέρου ἢ ἐγώ. καταψήσας οὖν μου τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ συμπιέσας τὰς ἐπὶ τῷ αὐχένι τρίχας—εἰώθει γάρ, ὁπότε τύχοι, παίζειν μου εἰς τὰς τρίχας—Αὔριον δή, ἔφη, ἴσως, ὦ Φαίδων, τὰς καλὰς κόμας 8 ἀποκερῇ. ἔοικεν, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—οὔκ, ἄν γε ἐμοὶ πείθῃ.
—ἀλλὰ τί; ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ.
—τήμερον, ἔφη, κἀγὼ τὰς ἐμὰς καὶ σὺ ταύτας, ἐάνπερ γε ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος τελευτήσῃ καὶ μὴ δυνώμεθα αὐτὸν ἀναβιώσασθαι. 9
|89ξ| καὶ ἔγωγ᾽ ἄν, εἰ σὺ εἴην καί με διαφεύγοι ὁ λόγος, ἔνορκον ἂν ποιησαίμην ὥσπερ Ἀργεῖοι, 10 μὴ πρότερον κομήσειν, πρὶν ἂν νικήσω ἀναμαχόμενος 11 τὸν Σιμμίου τε καὶ κέβητος λόγον.
—ἀλλ᾽, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, πρὸς δύο λέγεται οὐδ᾽ ὁ Ἡρακλῆς 12 οἷός τε εἶναι.
—ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐμέ, ἔφη, τὸν Ἰόλεων παρακάλει, ἕως ἔτι φῶς ἐστιν. 13
—παρακαλῶ τοίνυν, ἔφην, οὐχ ὡς Ἡρακλῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς Ἰόλεως τὸν Ἡρακλῆ.
—οὐδὲν διοίσει, ἔφη.

1 τοῖς προειρημένοις λόγοις: governed by ἀπιστίαν.
2 ἄπιστα ᾖ: Schanz, following Heindorf, reads εἴη against the mss. But the change of mood is nothing remarkable, as the instances cited by Stallbaum will show. The subjunctive represents a more vivid conception of the contingency: see Prof. Goodwin’s excellent article in the Journal of Philology, vol. viii p. 18. For εἶμεν BCD corruptly give ἦμεν.
3 ὡς γὰρ σφόδρα: ‘for how strongly persuasive was that theory which Sokrates maintained, and yet it has now fallen into discredit.’
4 ἀντιλαμβάνεται: ‘has a wonderfully firm grasp of me.’ It never seems to have occurred to Echekrates that his favourite theory was fatal to the soul’s immortality and to metempsychosis.
5 ἔνδηλός τι: Heindorf rightly says that τι belongs to ἀχθόμενος.
6 ὅ τι λέγοι ἐκεῖνος: The subject is placed in the relative instead of the main clause.
7 ὡς ὀξέως ᾔσθετο: as is shown by his admonition against ‘misology’ in the next chapter.
8 τὰς καλὰς κόμας: Z. and St. with some mss. have ὰς καλὰς ταύτας κόμας.
9 οὐδ᾽ ὁ Ἡρακλῆς: We find the legend in Euthydemus 297c. Herakles, while fighting the hydra, was assailed by a big crab, against which he called in the aid of Iolaos. Cf. Laws 919b. Presently Schanz after Cobet brackets τὸν Ἡρακλῆ.
10 ἀναβιώσασθαι: This transitive use of the word occurs again Crito 48c.
11 ὥσπερ Ἀργεῖοι: referring to the story told by Herodotus 1 82. The Argives, foiled in their attempt to recover Thyreai from the Spartans, vowed not to let their hair grow till they reconquered it. Prof. Geddes remarks that the Romans on the contrary showed grief by letting their hair grow long.
12 ἀναμαχόμενος: ‘renewing the battle.’
13 ἕως ἔτι φῶς ἐστιν: because at sunset he must drink the poison.

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Phaedo, Part 39.

—“But first let us guard against a danger.”
—“Of what sort?” I asked.
|89d| “The danger of becoming misologists or haters of argument,” said he, “as people become misanthropists or haters of man; for no worse evil can happen to a man than to hate argument. Misology and misanthropy arise from similar causes. For misanthropy arises from trusting someone implicitly without sufficient knowledge. You think the man is perfectly true and sound and trustworthy, and afterwards you find him base and false. Then you have the same experience with another person. By the time this has happened to a man a good many times, especially if it happens among those whom he might regard as his nearest |89e| and dearest friends, he ends by being in continual quarrels and by hating everyone and thinking there is nothing sound in anyone at all. Have you not noticed this?”
—“Certainly,” said I.
—“Well,” he went on, “is it not disgraceful, and is it not plain that such a man undertakes to consort with men when he has no knowledge of human nature? For if he had knowledge when he dealt with them, he would think that the good |90a| and the bad are both very few and those between the two are very many, for that is the case.”
—“What do you mean?”
—“I mean just what I might say about the large and small. Do you think there is anything more unusual than to find a very large or a very small man, or dog, or other creature, or again, one that is very quick or slow, very ugly or beautiful, very black or white? Have you not noticed that the extremes in all these instances are rare and few, and the examples between the extremes are very many?”
—“To be sure,” said I.
—“And don’t you think,” |90b| said he, “that if there were to be a competition in rascality, those who excelled would be very few in that also?”
—“Very likely,” I replied.
—“Yes, very likely,” he said, “But it is not in that respect that arguments are like men; I was merely following your lead in discussing that. The similarity lies in this: when a man without proper knowledge concerning arguments has confidence in the truth of an argument and afterwards thinks that it is false, whether it really is so or not, and this happens again and again; then you know, those men especially who |90c| have spent their time in disputation come to believe that they are the wisest of men and that they alone have discovered that there is nothing sound or sure in anything, whether argument or anything else, but all things go up and down, like the tide in the Euripus, and nothing is stable for any length of time.”
—“Certainly,” I said, “that is very true.”
—“Then, Phaedo,” he said, “if there is any system of argument which is true and sure and can be learned, it would be a sad thing if a man, |90d| because he has met with some of those arguments which seem to be sometimes true and sometimes false, should then not blame himself or his own lack of skill, but should end, in his vexation, by throwing the blame gladly upon the arguments and should hate and revile them all the rest of his life, and be deprived of the truth and knowledge of reality.”
—“Yes, by Zeus,” I said, “it would be sad.”
  Phaedo, 89d-90d, c. xxxix. Sokrates continues: we must beware lest we become haters of arguments as some become haters of mankind. For when one has been repeatedly deceived in others, whom he believed to be good and true men, he falls sometimes into distrust and dislike of the whole human race. But this is owing to his ignorance of human nature: he does not reflect that extremes are rare, and that the very good and very bad are equally few in number. It is the same with arguments: if we have come rightly or wrongly to distrust one argument after another, we must not hastily conclude that no valid argument is to be found; it is our own want of skill that we; should rather blame. We ought to take warning by those contentious disputants, who assert that there is no stable truth in anything, and fancy themselves prodigiously clever to have found this out. Yet it were sad indeed, supposing there is such a thing as truth, and that we might discover it, if, instead of laying the fault where it is really due, we quarrelled with philosophy and thus deprived ourselves of all chance of attaining truth.

Φαιδων, Part 39.

—ἀλλὰ πρῶτον εὐλαβηθῶμέν τι πάθος μὴ πάθωμεν.
—τὸ ποῖον; ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ.
|89δ| μὴ γενώμεθα, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, μισόλογοι, ὥσπερ οἱ μισάνθρωποι γιγνόμενοι: ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν, ἔφη, ὅτι ἄν τις μεῖζον τούτου κακὸν πάθοι ἢ λόγους μισήσας. 1 γίγνεται δὲ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ τρόπου μισολογία τε καὶ μισανθρωπία. ἥ τε γὰρ μισανθρωπία ἐνδύεται ἐκ τοῦ σφόδρα τινὶ πιστεῦσαι ἄνευ τέχνης, καὶ ἡγήσασθαι παντάπασί γε ἀληθῆ εἶναι καὶ ὑγιῆ καὶ πιστὸν τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἔπειτα ὀλίγον ὕστερον εὑρεῖν τοῦτον πονηρόν τε καὶ ἄπιστον, καὶ αὖθις ἕτερον: καὶ ὅταν τοῦτο πολλάκις πάθῃ τις καὶ ὑπὸ τούτων μάλιστα οὓς ἂν ἡγήσαιτο 2 |89ε| οἰκειοτάτους τε καὶ ἑταιροτάτους, τελευτῶν δὴ θαμὰ προσκρούων μισεῖ τε πάντας καὶ ἡγεῖται οὐδενὸς οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς εἶναι τὸ παράπαν. ἢ οὐκ ᾔσθησαι σύ τοῦτο 3 γιγνόμενον;
—πάνυ γε, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ.
—οὐκοῦν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, αἰσχρόν, 4 καὶ δῆλον ὅτι ἄνευ τέχνης τῆς περὶ τἀνθρώπεια ὁ τοιοῦτος χρῆσθαι ἐπεχείρει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις; εἰ γάρ που μετὰ τέχνης ἐχρῆτο, ὥσπερ ἔχει οὕτως |90α| ἂν ἡγήσατο, τοὺς μὲν χρηστοὺς καὶ πονηροὺς σφόδρα 5 ὀλίγους εἶναι ἑκατέρους, τοὺς δὲ μεταξὺ πλείστους.
—πῶς λέγεις; ἔφην ἐγώ.
—ὥσπερ, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, περὶ τῶν σφόδρα σμικρῶν καὶ μεγάλων: οἴει τι σπανιώτερον εἶναι ἢ σφόδρα μέγαν ἢ σφόδρα σμικρὸν ἐξευρεῖν ἄνθρωπον ἢ κύνα ἢ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν; ἢ αὖ ταχὺν ἢ βραδὺν ἢ αἰσχρὸν ἢ καλὸν ἢ λευκὸν ἢ μέλανα; ἢ οὐχὶ ᾔσθησαι ὅτι πάντων τῶν τοιούτων τὰ μὲν ἄκρα τῶν ἐσχάτων 6 σπάνια καὶ ὀλίγα, τὰ δὲ μεταξὺ ἄφθονα καὶ πολλά;
—πάνυ γε, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ.
|90β| οὐκοῦν οἴει, ἔφη, εἰ πονηρίας ἀγὼν προτεθείη, πάνυ ἂν ὀλίγους καὶ ἐνταῦθα τοὺς πρώτους φανῆναι;
—εἰκός γε, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ.
—εἰκὸς γάρ, ἔφη. ἀλλὰ ταύτῃ μὲν 7 οὐχ ὅμοιοι οἱ λόγοι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλὰ σοῦ νυνδὴ προάγοντος ἐγὼ ἐφεσπόμην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνῃ, ᾗ, ἐπειδάν τις πιστεύσῃ 8 λόγῳ τινὶ ἀληθεῖ εἶναι ἄνευ τῆς περὶ τοὺς λόγους τέχνης, κἄπειτα ὀλίγον ὕστερον αὐτῷ δόξῃ ψευδὴς εἶναι, ἐνίοτε μὲν ὤν, ἐνίοτε δ᾽ οὐκ ὤν, καὶ αὖθις ἕτερος καὶ ἕτερος:—καὶ μάλιστα δὴ οἱ |90ξ| περὶ τοὺς ἀντιλογικοὺς λόγους 9 διατρίψαντες οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι τελευτῶντες οἴονται σοφώτατοι γεγονέναι 10 καὶ κατανενοηκέναι μόνοι ὅτι οὔτε τῶν πραγμάτων οὐδενὸς οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς οὐδὲ βέβαιον οὔτε τῶν λόγων, ἀλλὰ πάντα τὰ ὄντα ἀτεχνῶς ὥσπερ ἐν Εὐρίπῳ ἄνω κάτω στρέφεται 11 καὶ χρόνον οὐδένα ἐν οὐδενὶ μένει. πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφην ἐγώ, ἀληθῆ λέγεις.
—οὐκοῦν, ὦ Φαίδων, ἔφη, οἰκτρὸν ἂν εἴη τὸ πάθος, εἰ ὄντος δή τινος ἀληθοῦς καὶ βεβαίου λόγου καὶ δυνατοῦ |90δ| κατανοῆσαι, ἔπειτα διὰ τὸ παραγίγνεσθαι τοιούτοις τισὶ λόγοις, τοῖς αὐτοῖς τοτὲ μὲν δοκοῦσιν ἀληθέσιν εἶναι, τοτὲ δὲ μή, μὴ ἑαυτόν τις αἰτιῷτο μηδὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀτεχνίαν, ἀλλὰ τελευτῶν διὰ τὸ ἀλγεῖν ἅσμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς λόγους ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀπώσαιτο καὶ ἤδη τὸν λοιπὸν βίον μισῶν τε καὶ λοιδορῶν τοὺς λόγους διατελοῖ, τῶν δὲ ὄντων τῆς ἀληθείας τε καὶ ἐπιστήμης στερηθείη.
—νὴ τὸν Δία, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, οἰκτρὸν δῆτα.

1 ἢ λόγους μισήσας: ‘than by conceiving a hatred for arguments’; explanatory of τούτου.
2 οὓς ἂν ἡγήσαιτο: ‘whom he would naturally think.’ ἂν of course belongs to ἡγήσαιτο.
3 ᾔσθησαι σύ τοῦτο: Z. has οὕτω τοῦτο. St. οὕτω πως τοῦτο.
4 αἰσχρόν: is bracketed by Schanz. ἄνευ τέχνης i.e. without a knowledge of mankind.
5 τοὺς μὲν χρηστοὺς καὶ πονηροὺς σφόδρα: Although the order of the words inclines us to take σφόδρα with ὀλίγους, I think the sense requires that it should be joined with χρηστοὺς καὶ πονηροὺς. Heindorf would double σφόδρα; but it is not really wanted with ὀλίγους.
6 τὰ μὲν ἄκρα τῶν ἐσχάτων: ‘the extremes in both directions.’ The ἐσχάτα are the two opposite qualities, ἄκρα the extremes of these. Thus if we conceive λευκὸν and μέλαν to be represented by a straight line, the central portion is occupied by shades of grey; the ἐσχάτα, or parts remote from the centre, by white and black; and the ἄκρα, or ends of the line, by the highest degree of each.
7 ἀλλὰ ταύτῃ μὲν: Sokrates has been led by the question of Phaedo into a digression upon the nature of the ἀτεχνία shown by misanthropes, which consists in their forgetting that extremes are seldom met with. But this does not constitute the analogy between μισανθρωπία {misanthropy = hatred of humanity} and μισολογία {misology = hatred of reasoning}. The real analogy is that when we have been several times disappointed in a λόγος we jump to the conclusion that all λόγοι are worthless, without stopping to consider whether the fault may not lie in our unscientific treatment.
8 ἐπειδάν τις πιστεύσῃ: The apodosis never comes: Plato finishes the sentence as if he had not written ᾗ, which Schanz, at Madvig’s suggestion, omits.
9 οἱ περὶ τοὺς ἀντιλογικοὺς λόγους: Plato may refer to the Ephesian school, οἱ ῥέοντες of the Theaetetus: perhaps also to sophists of the type of Dionysodoros and Euthydemos, such as he seems to have in view at 101e; and to the Cynics.
10 σοφώτατοι γεγονέναι: Cf. Sophist 251c ἐντυγχάνεις γάρ, ὦ Θεαίτητε, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, πολλάκις τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐσπουδακόσιν, ἐνίοτε πρεσβυτέροις ἀνθρώποις, καὶ ὑπὸ πενίας τῆς περὶ φρόνησιν κτήσεως τὰ τοιαῦτα τεθαυμακόσι, καὶ δή τι καὶ πάσσοφον οἰομένοις τοῦτο αὐτὸ ἀνηυρηκέναι. {I fancy, Theaetetus, you often run across people who take such matters seriously; sometimes they are elderly men whose poverty of intellect makes them admire such quibbles, and who think this is a perfect mine of wisdom they have discovered.} Clearly a hit at Antisthenes.
11 ἄνω κάτω στρέφεται: Compare the invective of Theodoros against the Ephesians, Theaetetus 179b following. Besides these Herakleiteans (with whom Plato had really little or no quarrel, so far as regards the phenomenal world), the principal ἀντιλογικοὶ {antilogicians} were Antisthenes with his school, and some later Sophists, who had caught up the trick of the Sokratic method of question and answer and used it to force on the unwary the acceptance of the most preposterous paradoxes. Their habits are admirably described in the Euthydemus. These men, whose only object was to make a sensation, must be classed apart from disputants of the Cynic and Megarian schools, whose paradoxes rested upon logical and metaphysical errors which were genuine difficulties at the time; which in fact required all Plato’s genius to clear away.

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Phaedo, Part 40.
—“First, then,” said he, “let us be on our guard against this, |90e| and let us not admit into our souls the notion that there is no soundness in arguments at all. Let us far rather assume that we ourselves are not yet in sound condition and that we must strive manfully and eagerly to become so, you and the others for the sake of all your future life, |91a| and I because of my impending death; for I fear that I am not just now in a philosophical frame of mind as regards this particular question, but am contentious, like quite uncultured persons. For when they argue about anything, they do not care what the truth is in the matters they are discussing, but are eager only to make their own views seem true to their hearers. And I fancy I differ from them just now only to this extent: I shall not be eager to make what I say seem true to my hearers, except as a secondary matter, but shall be very eager |91b| to make myself believe it. For see, my friend, how selfish my attitude is. If what I say is true, I am the gainer by believing it; and if there be nothing for me after death, at any rate I shall not be burdensome to my friends by my lamentations in these last moments. And this ignorance of mine will not last, for that would be an evil, but will soon end. So,” he said, “Simmias and Kebes, I approach the argument with my mind thus prepared. But you, |91c| if you do as I ask, will give little thought to Sokrates and much more to the truth; and if you think what I say is true, agree to it, and if not, oppose me with every argument you can muster, that I may not in my eagerness deceive myself and you alike and go away, like a bee, leaving my sting sticking in you.
  Phaedo, 90d-91c, c. xl. Let us beware then, says Sokrates, lest we rashly charge our argument with being faulty, when the fault is our own. The question is of deep interest to us all, and to me especially: indeed I feel less like a philosopher than like those who argue not for truth’s sake but merely that their opinion may prevail; only I am more anxious to persuade myself than you. However, if my belief is true, it is well; if not, it will at least make me better company for you while I am with you. For your part, you must think more of the truth than of Sokrates; and you must not accept my reasoning until you have fully tested it; lest I depart like a bee leaving my sting behind.

Φαιδων, Part 40.

—πρῶτον μὲν τοίνυν, ἔφη, τοῦτο εὐλαβηθῶμεν, καὶ μὴ |90ε| παρίωμεν εἰς τὴν ψυχὴν ὡς τῶν λόγων κινδυνεύει οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς εἶναι, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον ὅτι ἡμεῖς οὔπω ὑγιῶς ἔχομεν, ἀλλὰ ἀνδριστέον καὶ προθυμητέον ὑγιῶς ἔχειν, σοὶ μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τοῦ ἔπειτα βίου παντὸς ἕνεκα, ἐμοὶ δὲ |91α| αὐτοῦ ἕνεκα τοῦ θανάτου, ὡς κινδυνεύω ἔγωγε ἐν τῷ παρόντι περὶ αὐτοῦ τούτου οὐ φιλοσόφως ἔχειν ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ πάνυ ἀπαίδευτοι 1 φιλονίκως. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι ὅταν περί του ἀμφισβητῶσιν, ὅπῃ μὲν ἔχει περὶ ὧν ἂν ὁ λόγος ᾖ οὐ φροντίζουσιν, ὅπως δὲ ἃ αὐτοὶ ἔθεντο ταῦτα δόξει τοῖς παροῦσιν, τοῦτο προθυμοῦνται. καὶ ἐγώ μοι δοκῶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι τοσοῦτον μόνον ἐκείνων διοίσειν: οὐ γὰρ ὅπως τοῖς παροῦσιν ἃ ἐγὼ λέγω δόξει ἀληθῆ εἶναι προθυμήσομαι, εἰ μὴ εἴη πάρεργον, 2 ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως αὐτῷ ἐμοὶ ὅτι μάλιστα δόξει οὕτως |91β |ἔχειν.
—λογίζομαι γάρ, 3 ὦ φίλε ἑταῖρε—θέασαι ὡς πλεονεκτικῶς—εἰ μὲν τυγχάνει ἀληθῆ ὄντα ἃ λέγω, καλῶς δὴ ἔχει τὸ πεισθῆναι: εἰ δὲ μηδέν ἐστι τελευτήσαντι, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν τοῦτόν γε τὸν χρόνον αὐτὸν τὸν πρὸ τοῦ θανάτου ἧττον τοῖς παροῦσιν 4 ἀηδὴς ἔσομαι ὀδυρόμενος, ἡ δὲ δὴ ἄγνοιά 5 μοι αὕτη οὐ συνδιατελεῖ—κακὸν γὰρ ἂν ἦν—ἀλλ᾽ ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἀπολεῖται.
—παρεσκευασμένος δή, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, οὑτωσὶ ἔρχομαι ἐπὶ τὸν λόγον: ὑμεῖς μέντοι, ἂν ἐμοὶ πείθησθε, |91ξ| σμικρὸν φροντίσαντες Σωκράτους, 6 τῆς δὲ ἀληθείας πολὺ μᾶλλον, ἐὰν μέν τι ὑμῖν δοκῶ ἀληθὲς λέγειν, συνομολογήσατε, εἰ δὲ μή, παντὶ λόγῳ ἀντιτείνετε, ὅπως μὴ 7 ἐγὼ ὑπὸ προθυμίας ἅμα ἐμαυτόν 8 τε καὶ ὑμᾶς ἐξαπατήσας, ὥσπερ μέλιττα τὸ κέντρον ἐγκαταλιπὼν οἰχήσομαι.

1 οἱ πάνυ ἀπαίδευτοι: The language suggests the Cynics; cf. Theaetetus 155e Εἰσὶν γάρ, ὦ παῖ, μάλ’ εὖ ἄμουσοι; cf. Sophist 246d, and Aristotle Metaphysics H iii 1043b 24 οἱ Ἀντισθένειοι καὶ οἱ οὕτως ἀπαίδευτοι. Sophists of the eristic type are no doubt included.
2 εἰ μὴ εἴη πάρεργον: ‘unless it were merely by the way.’ It is surprising that Prof. Geddes has adopted against all the mss. Hermann’s most infelicitous conjecture εἰ μὴ εἰ πάρεργον. Had εἰ been found in the texts, one would have felt strongly inclined to alter it to εἴη.
3 λογίζομαι γάρ: ‘for I am reasoning, my dear companion—see how selfishly.’ All this is Sokratic εἰρωνεία {irony}: Sokrates and Plato were the last men to persuade themselves that a belief was true, because it was pleasant.
4 ἧττον τοῖς παροῦσιν: ‘I shall be less likely to annoy the company with lamentation.’ ἧττον of course qualifies all the words that follow: it will less be the case that I shall annoy them by lamenting. The passage would not have required a note but for the strange misconception of Wagner, who seems to think that μὴ is wanted before ὀδυρόμενος.
5 ἡ δὲ δὴ ἄγνοιά: Sokrates means that one way or another his doubts will be cleared away; he will not go on existing in doubt whether his existence will continue. For at death he will either find assurance of immortality or he will cease to be, and in neither case is he subject to ἄγνοιά {agnoia = ignorance}. ὀλίγον ὕστερον means shortly after the present moment, not after death. δὴ ἄγνοιά is Fischer’s suggestion for διάνοιά, which is the reading of the best mss.; the rest have ἄγνοιά.
6 σμικρὸν φροντίσαντες Σωκράτους: Cf. Republic 595c ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ πρό γε τῆς ἀληθείας τιμητέος ἀνήρ: and Aristotle Nicomachean Ethics I iv 1096a 16 ἀμφοῖν γὰρ ὄντοιν φίλοιν ὅσιον προτιμᾶν τὴν ἀλήθειαν.
7 ὅπως μὴ: The editions generally have εὐλαβούμενοι ὅπως: but the participle is absent in BCD and omitted by Schanz.
8 ἐμαυτόν: This reading has the best authority: Z. and St. give ἐαυτόν.
  ὥσπερ μέλιττα: The commentators think this is borrowed from the line of Eupolis concerning Perikles, τὸ κέντρον ἐγκαταλιπὼν τοῖςἀκροωμένοις. The expression seems likely to have been proverbial.

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Phaedo, Part 41.

—“But we must get to work,” he said. “First refresh my memory, if I seem to have forgotten anything. Simmias, I think, has doubts and fears that the soul, though more divine and |91d| excellent than the body, may perish first, being of the nature of a harmony. And, Kebes, I believe, granted that the soul is more lasting than the body, but said that no one could know that the soul, after wearing out many bodies, did not at last perish itself upon leaving the body; and that this was death—the destruction of the soul, since the body is continually being destroyed. Are those the points, Simmias and Kebes, which we must consider?”
|91e| They both agreed that these were the points.
—“Now,” said he, “do you reject all of our previous arguments, or only some of them?”
—“Only some of them,” they replied.
—“What you think,” he asked, “bout the argument in which we said that learning is recollection and that, since this is so, our soul must necessarily have been somewhere |92a| before it was imprisoned in the body?”
—“I,” said Kebes, “was wonderfully convinced by it at the time and I still believe it more firmly than any other argument.”
—“And I too,” said Simmias, “feel just as he does, and I should be much surprised if I should ever think differently on this point.”
—And Sokrates said: “You must, my Theban friend, think differently, if you persist in your opinion that a harmony is a compound and that the soul is a harmony made up of the elements that are strung like harpstrings in the body. |92b| For surely you will not accept your own statement that a composite harmony existed before those things from which it had to be composed, will you?”
—“Certainly not, Sokrates.”
—“Then do you see,” said he, “that this is just what you say when you assert that the soul exists before it enters into the form and body of a man, and that it is composed of things that do not yet exist? For harmony is not what your comparison assumes it to be. The lyre and the strings and the sounds |92c| come into being in a tuneless condition, and the harmony is the last of all to be composed and the first to perish. So how can you bring this theory into harmony with the other?”
—“I cannot at all,” said Simmias.
—“And yet,” said Sokrates, “there ought to be harmony between it and the theory about harmony above all others.”
—“Yes, there ought,” said Simmias.
—“Well,” said he, “there is no harmony between the two theories. Now which do you prefer, that knowledge is recollection or that the soul is a harmony?”
—“The former, decidedly, Sokrates,” he replied. “For this other came to me without demonstration; it merely seemed probable |92d| and attractive, which is the reason why many men hold it. I am conscious that those arguments which base their demonstrations on mere probability are deceptive, and if we are not on our guard against them they deceive us greatly, in geometry and in all other things. But the theory of recollection and knowledge has been established by a sound course of argument. For we agreed that our soul before it entered into the body existed just as the very essence which is called the absolute exists. |92e| Now I am persuaded that I have accepted this essence on sufficient and right grounds. I cannot therefore accept from myself or anyone else the statement that the soul is a harmony.”
  Phaedo, 91c-92d, c. xli. Sokrates briefly restates the objections of Simmias and Kebes: he then points out to the former that he must make his choice between the doctrine that soul is a harmony and the doctrine that learning is reminiscence. The theory of reminiscence presupposes that the soul existed before the body; but a harmony comes into existence after that which produces it: either therefore soul is not a harmony or she has had no precognition of the ideas. Simmias admits this and declares without hesitation in favour of reminiscence, which he affirms to be a rational hypothesis, while the other is merely a plausible analogy.
  The first refutation is addressed to believers in anamnesis and pre-existence of the soul; it appeals therefore only to Platonists or Pythagoreans.

Φαιδων, Part 41.

—ἀλλ᾽ ἰτέον, ἔφη. πρῶτόν με ὑπομνήσατε ἃ ἐλέγετε, ἐὰν μὴ φαίνωμαι μεμνημένος. Σιμμίας μὲν γάρ, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, ἀπιστεῖ τε καὶ φοβεῖται μὴ ἡ ψυχὴ ὅμως καὶ θειότερον καὶ |91δ| κάλλιον ὂν τοῦ σώματος προαπολλύηται ἐν ἁρμονίας εἴδει 1 οὖσα: Κέβης δέ μοι ἔδοξε τοῦτο μὲν ἐμοὶ συγχωρεῖν, πολυχρονιώτερόν γε εἶναι ψυχὴν σώματος, ἀλλὰ τόδε ἄδηλον παντί, μὴ πολλὰ δὴ σώματα καὶ πολλάκις 2 κατατρίψασα ἡ ψυχὴ τὸ τελευταῖον σῶμα καταλιποῦσα νῦν αὐτὴ ἀπολλύηται, καὶ ᾖ αὐτὸ τοῦτο θάνατος, ψυχῆς ὄλεθρος, ἐπεὶ σῶμά γε ἀεὶ ἀπολλύμενον οὐδὲν παύεται. ἆρα ἄλλ᾽ ἢ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης, ἃ δεῖ ἡμᾶς ἐπισκοπεῖσθαι;
|91ε| συνωμολογείτην δὴ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι ἄμφω.
—πότερον οὖν, ἔφη, πάντας τοὺς ἔμπροσθε λόγους οὐκ ἀποδέχεσθε, ἢ τοὺς μέν, τοὺς δ᾽ οὔ;
—τοὺς μέν, ἐφάτην, τοὺς δ᾽ οὔ.
—τί οὖν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, περὶ ἐκείνου τοῦ λόγου λέγετε ἐν ᾧ ἔφαμεν τὴν μάθησιν ἀνάμνησιν εἶναι, καὶ τούτου οὕτως ἔχοντος ἀναγκαίως ἔχειν ἄλλοθι πρότερον ἡμῶν εἶναι τὴν |92α| ψυχήν, πρὶν ἐν τῷ σώματι ἐνδεθῆναι; ἐγὼ μέν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, καὶ τότε θαυμαστῶς ὡς ἐπείσθην ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ νῦν ἐμμένω ὡς οὐδενὶ λόγῳ.
—καὶ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, καὶ αὐτὸς οὕτως ἔχω, καὶ πάνυ ἂν θαυμάζοιμι εἴ μοι περί γε τούτου ἄλλο ποτέ τι δόξειεν.
—καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης, ἀλλὰ ἀνάγκη σοι, ἔφη, ὦ ξένε Θηβαῖε, ἄλλα δόξαι, 3 ἐάνπερ μείνῃ ἥδε ἡ οἴησις, τὸ ἁρμονίαν μὲν εἶναι σύνθετον πρᾶγμα, ψυχὴν δὲ ἁρμονίαν τινὰ ἐκ τῶν κατὰ τὸ σῶμα ἐντεταμένων συγκεῖσθαι: οὐ γάρ που ἀποδέξῃ γε |92β| σαυτοῦ λέγοντος ὡς πρότερον ἦν ἁρμονία συγκειμένη, πρὶν ἐκεῖνα εἶναι ἐξ ὧν ἔδει αὐτὴν συντεθῆναι. ἢ ἀποδέξῃ;
—οὐδαμῶς, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—αἰσθάνῃ οὖν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὅτι ταῦτά σοι συμβαίνει 4 λέγειν, ὅταν φῇς μὲν εἶναι τὴν ψυχὴν πρὶν καὶ εἰς ἀνθρώπου εἶδός τε καὶ σῶμα ἀφικέσθαι, εἶναι δὲ αὐτὴν συγκειμένην ἐκ τῶν οὐδέπω ὄντων; οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἁρμονία γέ σοι τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν ὃ ἀπεικάζεις, 5 ἀλλὰ πρότερον καὶ ἡ λύρα καὶ αἱ χορδαὶ καὶ |92ξ| οἱ φθόγγοι 6 ἔτι ἀνάρμοστοι ὄντες γίγνονται, τελευταῖον δὲ πάντων συνίσταται ἡ ἁρμονία καὶ πρῶτον ἀπόλλυται. οὗτος οὖν σοι ὁ λόγος ἐκείνῳ πῶς συνᾴσεται;
—οὐδαμῶς, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας.
—καὶ μήν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, πρέπει γε εἴπερ τῳ ἄλλῳ λόγῳ συνῳδῷ εἶναι καὶ τῷ περὶ ἁρμονίας.
—πρέπει γάρ, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας.
—οὗτος τοίνυν, ἔφη, σοὶ οὐ συνῳδός: ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα πότερον αἱρῇ τῶν λόγων, τὴν μάθησιν ἀνάμνησιν εἶναι ἢ ψυχὴν ἁρμονίαν;
—πολὺ μᾶλλον, ἔφη, ἐκεῖνον, ὦ Σώκρατες. ὅδε μὲν γάρ |92δ| μοι γέγονεν ἄνευ ἀποδείξεως μετὰ εἰκότος τινὸς 7 καὶ εὐπρεπείας, ὅθεν καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς δοκεῖ ἀνθρώποις: ἐγὼ δὲ τοῖς διὰ τῶν εἰκότων τὰς ἀποδείξεις ποιουμένοις λόγοις σύνοιδα οὖσιν ἀλαζόσιν, καὶ ἄν τις αὐτοὺς μὴ φυλάττηται, εὖ μάλα ἐξαπατῶσι, καὶ ἐν γεωμετρίᾳ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν. ὁ δὲ περὶ τῆς ἀναμνήσεως καὶ μαθήσεως λόγος δι᾽ ὑποθέσεως ἀξίας ἀποδέξασθαι εἴρηται. ἐρρήθη γάρ που 8 οὕτως ἡμῶν εἶναι ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ πρὶν εἰς σῶμα ἀφικέσθαι, ὥσπερ αὐτῆς ἐστιν ἡ οὐσία ἔχουσα τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν τὴν τοῦ ‘ὃ ἔστιν’ |92ε| ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτην, ὡς ἐμαυτὸν πείθω, ἱκανῶς 9 τε καὶ ὀρθῶς ἀποδέδεγμαι. ἀνάγκη οὖν μοι, ὡς ἔοικε, διὰ ταῦτα μήτε ἐμαυτοῦ μήτε ἄλλου ἀποδέχεσθαι λέγοντος ὡς ψυχή ἐστιν ἁρμονία.

1 ἐν ἁρμονίας εἴδει: Cf. Timaeus 30c τῶν μὲν οὖν ἐν μέρους εἴδει πεφυκότων μηδενὶ καταξιώσωμεν. Also Republic 389b; Cratylus 394d.
2 πολλὰ δὴ σώματα καὶ πολλάκις: We might take πολλὰ to refer to the exhaustion of many bodies during our human life, and πολλάκις to the repeated incarnations of the soul; the two cases put by Kebes. But the following words καὶ ᾖ αὐτὸ τοῦτο θάνατος, ψυχῆς ὄλεθρος, ἐπεὶ σῶμά γε ἀεὶ ἀπολλύμενον οὐδὲν παύεται seem to show that Sokrates had the first case only in view; and for the purposes of his possibly argument there is no difference between them. {See Telomere in the Glossary.}
3 ἄλλα δόξαι: So Stallbaum and Schanz; Z. has δόξάσαι with the mss.
4 ταῦτά σοι συμβαίνει: ‘this is what your statement amounts to.’ Schmidt proposes οὐ ταῦτά, i.e. you make contradictory statements. This would do well enough, had it ms. authority; but the ms. reading is equally good sense. ταῦτά = πρότερον ἦν ἁρμονία συγκειμένη, πρὶν ἐκεῖνα εἶναι ἐξ ὧν ἔδει αὐτὴν συντεθῆναι.
5 ὃ ἀπεικάζεις: ‘harmony is not what you represent it.’ i.e. it is not such a thing as soul. This is the reading of the best mss. and gives a simpler construction than the ordinary ᾧ.
6 οἱ φθόγγοι: i.e. the tones of the several strings before they are combined into harmony.
7 μετὰ εἰκότος τινὸς: ‘through a certain analogy and plausibility.’ τοῖς πολλοῖς: Another indication that this was a widely spread popular opinion, not distinctively Pythagorean.
8 ἐρρήθη γάρ που: ‘for we said, I think, that the existence of our soul before she entered the body rested on the same assurance as that of the very substance that has the title of absolute essence.’ I have followed Schanz in adopting the emendation of Mudge, αὐτὴ for αὐτῆς. Retaining αὐτῆς we make Plato affirm that the pre-existence of the soul is assured inasmuch as her substance is absolute existence. But Plato never said anything of the sort: he merely said, as surely as the ideas exist, so surely did the soul, 76e. Heindorf in an acute note defends the vulgate, taking αὐτῆς as possessive; ‘as surely as absolute existence belongs to her,’ i.e. was cognised by her; referring to the words in 76e ὑπάρχουσαν πρότερον ἀνευρίσκοντες ἡμετέραν οὖσαν. But (1) this interpretation supposes a very awkward ellipse of ἔστιν in a relative clause, (2) the sense of αὐτῆς is severely strained: could Plato say ‘absolute existence is hers,’ meaning ‘absolute existence is cognised by her’? (3) we have already seen reason to doubt the genuineness of the words in 76e. Hirschig also adopts αὐτὴ.
9 ἱκανῶς: ‘on adequate proof.’

Top ↑


Phaedo, Part 42.

—“Here is another way of looking at it, Simmias,” said he. “Do you think a harmony or any other composite thing can be in any other state |93a| than that in which the elements are of which it is composed?”
—“Certainly not.”
—“And it can neither do nor suffer anything other than they do or suffer?”
—He agreed.
—“Then a harmony cannot be expected to lead the elements of which it is composed, but to follow them.”
—He assented.
—“A harmony, then, is quite unable to move or make a sound or do anything else that is opposed to its component parts.”
—“Quite unable,” said he.
—“Well then, is not every harmony by nature a harmony according as it is harmonized?”
—“I do not understand,” said Simmias.
—“Would it not,” said Sokrates, “be more completely a harmony |93b| and a greater harmony if it were harmonized more fully and to a greater extent, assuming that to be possible, and less completely a harmony and a lesser harmony if less completely harmonized and to a less extent?”
—“Certainly.”
—“Is this true of the soul? Is one soul even in the slightest degree more completely and to a greater extent a soul than another, or less completely and to a less extent?”
—“Not in the least,” said he.
—“Well now,” said he, “one soul is said to possess sense and 93cvirtue and to be good, and another to possess folly and wickedness and to be bad; and is this true?”
|93c| “Yes, it is true.”
—“Now what will those who assume that the soul is a harmony say that these things—the virtue and the wickedness—in the soul are? Will they say that this is another kind of harmony and a discord, and that the soul, which is itself a harmony, has within it another harmony and that the other soul is discordant and has no other harmony within it?”
—“I cannot tell,” replied Simmias, “but evidently those who make that assumption would say some thing of that sort.”
—“But we agreed,” said Sokrates, |93d| “that one soul is no more or less a soul than another; and that is equivalent to an agreement that one is no more and to no greater extent, and no less and to no less extent, a harmony than another, is it not?”
—“Certainly.”
—“And that which is no more or less a harmony, is no more or less harmonized. Is that so?”
—“Yes.”
—“But has that which is no more and no less harmonized any greater or any less amount of harmony, or an equal amount?” “An equal amount.”
—“Then a soul, since it is neither more nor less |93e| a soul than another, is neither more nor less harmonized.”
—“That is so.”
—“And therefore can have no greater amount of discord or of harmony?”
—“No.”
—“And therefore again one soul can have no greater amount of wickedness or virtue than another, if wickedness is discord and virtue harmony?”
—“It cannot.”
—“Or rather, to speak exactly, Simmias, |94a| no soul will have any wickedness at all, if the soul is a harmony; for if a harmony is entirely harmony, it could have no part in discord.”
—“Certainly not.”
—“Then the soul, being entirely soul, could have no part in wickedness.”
—“How could it, if what we have said is right?”
—“According to this argument, then, if all souls are by nature equally souls, all souls of all living creatures will be equally good.”
—“So it seems, Sokrates,” said he.
|94b| “And,” said Sokrates, “do you think that this is true and that our reasoning would have come to this end, if the theory that the soul is a harmony were correct?”
—“Not in the least,” he replied.
—“Well,” said Sokrates, “of all the parts that make up a man, do you think any is ruler except the soul, especially if it be a wise one?”
—“No, I do not.”
  Phaedo, 92e-94b, c. xlii. Again a harmony must conform to the conditions of the materials which produce it; consequently the completeness of the harmony is in exact proportion to the completeness with which these are brought into tune. It follows then that there are degrees in harmony, corresponding with the conditions of the materials. But in soul there are no degrees; each soul is just as completely soul as every other. Furthermore we say some souls are virtuous, others vicious; and we define virtue to be a harmony, vice a discord of the soul. Now supposing that souls are harmonies, they are harmonies which admit of no difference in degree, since we have admitted that there are no degrees of soul. But a virtuous soul, being a harmony, has in her another harmony, while a vicious soul has a discord; therefore the virtuous soul is more of a harmony, that is, more of a soul, than the vicious. But this being contrary to our premisses, we are forced to conclude that no soul is more virtuous or vicious than another; or rather that all souls, being complete harmonies, are completely virtuous: a reductio ad absurdum.
  The second argument will reach those who accept neither anamnesis nor the ideal theory, but who do accept the view that virtue is a harmonious state of the soul. It is to be observed (1) that the premiss in 93a πολλοῦ ἄρα δεῖ ἐναντία γε ἁρμονία κινηθῆναι ἂν ἢ φθέγξασθαι ἤ τι ἄλλο ἐναντιωθῆναι τοῖς αὑτῆς μέρεσιν, of which a different use is made in the next chapter, here is simply brought in to show that the perfection of the harmony depends upon the tuning of the strings etc., and consequently that as these may be more or less in tune, the harmony admits corresponding degrees of completeness: (2) the argument might seem to be complete in 93b, where it is allowed that, while harmony admits degrees, soul does not. But we should regard all the earlier part of the chapter as collecting the materials for the refutation which proceeds consecutively from 93d: moreover Plato had to guard against the rejoinder that, although harmony, as such, admits of degrees, there may yet be particular kinds of harmony, whereof soul is one, which do not admit of degrees.

Φαιδων, Part 42.

—τί δέ, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὦ Σιμμία, τῇδε; δοκεῖ σοι ἁρμονίᾳ ἢ ἄλλῃ |93α| τινὶ συνθέσει προσήκειν ἄλλως πως ἔχειν ἢ ὡς ἂν ἐκεῖνα ἔχῃ ἐξ ὧν ἂν συγκέηται;
—οὐδαμῶς.
—οὐδὲ μὴν ποιεῖν τι, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, οὐδέ τι πάσχειν ἄλλο παρ᾽ ἃ ἂν ἐκεῖνα ἢ ποιῇ ἢ πάσχῃ; συνέφη.
—οὐκ ἄρα ἡγεῖσθαί γε προσήκει ἁρμονίαν τούτων ἐξ ὧν ἂν συντεθῇ, ἀλλ᾽ ἕπεσθαι. συνεδόκει.
—πολλοῦ ἄρα δεῖ ἐναντία γε ἁρμονία 1 κινηθῆναι ἂν ἢ φθέγξασθαι ἤ τι ἄλλο ἐναντιωθῆναι τοῖς αὑτῆς μέρεσιν.
—πολλοῦ μέντοι, ἔφη.
—τί δέ; οὐχ οὕτως ἁρμονία πέφυκεν εἶναι ἑκάστη ἁρμονία ὡς ἂν ἁρμοσθῇ;
—οὐ μανθάνω, ἔφη.
—ἢ οὐχί, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἂν μὲν μᾶλλον ἁρμοσθῇ καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον, 2 |93β| εἴπερ ἐνδέχεται τοῦτο γίγνεσθαι, μᾶλλόν τε ἂν ἁρμονία εἴη καὶ πλείων, εἰ δ᾽ ἧττόν τε καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἔλαττον, ἥττων τε καὶ ἐλάττων;
—πάνυ γε.
—ἦ οὖν ἔστι τοῦτο περὶ ψυχήν, ὥστε καὶ κατὰ τὸ σμικρότατον μᾶλλον ἑτέραν ἑτέρας 1 ψυχῆς ἐπὶ πλέον καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπ᾽ ἔλαττον καὶ ἧττον αὐτὸ τοῦτο εἶναι, ψυχήν;
—οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν, ἔφη.
—φέρε δή, ἔφη, πρὸς Διός: λέγεται ψυχὴ ἡ μὲν νοῦν τε ἔχειν καὶ ἀρετὴν καὶ εἶναι ἀγαθή, ἡ δὲ ἄνοιάν τε καὶ μοχθηρίαν |93ξ| καὶ εἶναι κακή; καὶ ταῦτα ἀληθῶς λέγεται;
—ἀληθῶς μέντοι.
—τῶν οὖν θεμένων ψυχὴν ἁρμονίαν εἶναι τί τις φήσει ταῦτα ὄντα εἶναι ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς, τήν τε ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν κακίαν; πότερον ἁρμονίαν αὖ τινα ἄλλην 4 καὶ ἀναρμοστίαν; καὶ τὴν μὲν ἡρμόσθαι, τὴν ἀγαθήν, καὶ ἔχειν ἐν αὑτῇ ἁρμονίᾳ οὔσῃ ἄλλην ἁρμονίαν, τὴν δὲ ἀνάρμοστον αὐτήν τε εἶναι καὶ οὐκ ἔχειν ἐν αὑτῇ ἄλλην;
—οὐκ ἔχω ἔγωγ᾽, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, εἰπεῖν: δῆλον δ᾽ ὅτι τοιαῦτ᾽ ἄττ᾽ ἂν λέγοι ὁ ἐκεῖνο ὑποθέμενος.
|93δ| ἀλλὰ προωμολόγηται, ἔφη, μηδὲν μᾶλλον μηδ᾽ ἧττον ἑτέραν ἑτέρας ψυχὴν ψυχῆς εἶναι: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔστι τὸ ὁμολόγημα, 5 μηδὲν μᾶλλον μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ πλέον μηδ᾽ ἧττον μηδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔλαττον ἑτέραν ἑτέρας ἁρμονίαν ἁρμονίας εἶναι. ἦ γάρ;
—πάνυ γε.
—τὴν δέ γε μηδὲν μᾶλλον μηδὲ ἧττον ἁρμονίαν οὖσαν μήτε μᾶλλον μήτε ἧττον ἡρμόσθαι: ἔστιν οὕτως;
—ἔστιν.
—ἡ δὲ μήτε μᾶλλον μήτε ἧττον ἡρμοσμένη ἔστιν ὅτι πλέον ἢ ἔλαττον ἁρμονίας μετέχει, ἢ τὸ ἴσον;
—τὸ ἴσον.
—οὐκοῦν ψυχὴ ἐπειδὴ οὐδὲν μᾶλλον οὐδ᾽ ἧττον ἄλλη |93ε| ἄλλης αὐτὸ τοῦτο, ψυχή, ἐστίν, οὐδὲ δὴ μᾶλλον οὐδὲ ἧττον ἥρμοσται; οὕτω.
—τοῦτο δέ γε πεπονθυῖα οὐδὲν πλέον ἀναρμοστίας οὐδὲ ἁρμονίας μετέχοι ἄν;
—οὐ γὰρ οὖν.
—τοῦτο δ᾽ αὖ πεπονθυῖα ἆρ᾽ ἄν τι πλέον κακίας ἢ ἀρετῆς μετέχοι ἑτέρα ἑτέρας, εἴπερ ἡ μὲν κακία ἀναρμοστία, ἡ δὲ ἀρετὴ ἁρμονία εἴη;
—οὐδὲν πλέον.
|94α| μᾶλλον δέ γέ που, ὦ Σιμμία, κατὰ τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον κακίας οὐδεμία ψυχὴ μεθέξει, εἴπερ ἁρμονία ἐστίν: ἁρμονία γὰρ δήπου παντελῶς 6 αὐτὸ τοῦτο οὖσα, ἁρμονία, ἀναρμοστίας οὔποτ᾽ ἂν μετάσχοι.
—οὐ μέντοι.
—οὐδέ γε δήπου ψυχή, οὖσα παντελῶς ψυχή, κακίας.
—πῶς γὰρ ἔκ γε τῶν προειρημένων;
—ἐκ τούτου ἄρα τοῦ λόγου ἡμῖν πᾶσαι ψυχαὶ πάντων ζῴων ὁμοίως ἀγαθαὶ ἔσονται, εἴπερ ὁμοίως ψυχαὶ πεφύκασιν 7 αὐτὸ τοῦτο, ψυχαί, εἶναι.
—ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—ἦ καὶ καλῶς 8 δοκεῖ, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, οὕτω λέγεσθαι, καὶ πάσχειν |94β| ἂν 9 ταῦτα ὁ λόγος εἰ ὀρθὴ ἡ ὑπόθεσις ἦν, τὸ ψυχὴν ἁρμονίαν εἶναι;
—οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν, ἔφη.

1 ἐναντία γε ἁρμονία: ἐναντία is of course accusative plural. Plato means that the harmony is entirely the outcome of its constituents and is conditioned by them, having no independent existence: as you tighten the string the tone rises. On this ground it would be impossible for a soul to be in a harmonious state, i.e. virtue, independently of the physical conditions of which she herself is the result.
2 μᾶλλον ἁρμοσθῇ καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον: There must be some distinction between μᾶλλον and ἐπὶ πλέον. I think μᾶλλον may apply to the degree of completeness in which the σύνθεσις is accomplished, and ἐπὶ πλέον to the character of the σύνθεσις itself. To take an illustration from music (1) the two notes forming an octave may be more or less in tune; (2) the octave and the fifth are more perfect concords than the fourth and third. This view, I find, is in a manner supported by Olympiodoros: ὑποτίθεται μὴ εἷναι ἁρμονίαν ἁρμονίας πλείω μηδὲ ἐλάττω, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ μᾶλλον μηδὲ ἧττον· ἔστι δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον περὶ τὴν ποσότητα τῶν διαστημάτων καὶ τῶν τεσσάρων οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο οὔτε ἐν πλείοσιν οὔτε ἐν ἐλάττοσιν· τὸ δὲ δεύτερον περὶ τὴν ἄνεσιν καὶ τὴν ἐπίτασιν. κα’ αὐτο γὰρ τὸ εἶδος οὐδεμία ἁρμονία οὔτε ἀνίεται οὔτε ἐπιτείνεται. That is, a particular harmony, e.g. the fourth, cannot be harmonised ἐπὶ πλέον or μᾶλλον: since (1) it cannot comprehend more than a fixed number of tones, (2) it cannot (if it is to be a true fourth) admit any tampering with the pitch, κατὰ τὸν ἁρμονικὸν λόγον. The Pythagoreans, he says, συλλαβὰν μὲν καλοῦστιτὴν διὰ τεσσάρων ἁρμονίαν ὡς ἥκιστα ἁρνονίαν κατακορεστάτην δὲ τὴν διὰ πασῶν ὡς μάλιστα. As to the μᾶλλον καὶ ἧττον he remarks ἔχει γὰρ ἑκάστη ἁρνονία πλάτος τικατὰτὴναἴσθησιν οὐ μὴν κατὰ τὸν ἁρμονικὸν λόγον: that is to say, although one precise ratio alone constitutes a true octave, there is a certain margin of variation within which the ear will accept the interval as an octave.
3 μᾶλλον ἑτέραν ἑτέρας: I have retained μᾶλλον with all the mss. It is bracketed by Schanz and expunged by the Zurich editors. μᾶλλον however is not seldom used by Plato to strengthen another comparative: cf. Timaeus 87c δικαιότερον γὰρ τῶν ἀγαθῶν πέρι μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν κακῶν ἴσχειν λόγον. Politicus 259c-d Τῆς δὴ γνωστικῆς μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς χειροτεχνικῆς καὶ ὅλως πρακτικῆς βούλει τὸν βασιλέα φῶμεν οἰκειότερον εἶναι; Gorgias 487b αἰσχυντηροτέρω μᾶλλον τοῦ δέοντος. The present case is, it is true, a stronger one, since the word μᾶλλον is actually repeated; but this is softened by the interposition of ἐπὶ πλέον, and the pleonasm seems to me not unnatural. Some editors would insert ψυχήν before ψυχῆς: but, as Schmidt observes, this is superfluous on account of the preceding words ἦ οὖν ἔστι τοῦτο περὶ ψυχήν.
4 ἁρμονίαν αὖ τινα ἄλλην: The conception of virtue as a harmonious condition of the soul is peculiarly Platonic. Compare the description of δικαιοσύνη {justice, righteousness} in Republic 443d μὴ ἐάσαντα τἀλλότρια πράττειν ἕκαστον ἐν αὑτῷ μηδὲ πολυπραγμονεῖν πρὸς ἄλληλα τὰ ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ γένη, ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι τὰ οἰκεῖα εὖ θέμενον καὶ ἄρξαντα αὐτὸν αὑτοῦ καὶ κοσμήσαντα καὶ φίλον γενόμενον ἑαυτῷ καὶ συναρμόσαντα τρία ὄντα, ὥσπερ ὅρους τρεῖς ἁρμονίας ἀτεχνῶς, νεάτης τε καὶ ὑπάτης καὶ μέσης. And in Sophist 228b we hear that vice is a στάσις {dissension; frozen} of the soul.
  Plato’s contention is this. If soul is a harmony of the body, soul is the result of a combination of certain elements arranged in a certain way and in certain ratios. And if virtue is a harmonious state of the soul, the difference between a virtuous and a non-virtuous soul must consist in some variation of the component elements, either in the number or in the disposition or in the ratios. Virtue then is due either to the addition of some element which is wanting in the non-virtuous soul, or to some better proportion or arrangement of the same elements. Whichever alternative we adopt, the result, is that the virtuous soul is a more complete harmony than the non-virtuous; thus contravening our statement that one soul cannot be more soul, i.e. more harmony, than another.
5 τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔστι τὸ ὁμολόγημα: ‘the admission amounts to this, that (in saying one soul is not more soul than another) you affirm that one harmony is not more a harmony than another.’ Schanz, following Madvig and Schmidt, brackets ἁρμονίας, so that we must understand ψυχὴν ψυχῆς in agreement with ἑτέραν ἑτέρας. But this prematurely anticipates the conclusion in 93e οὐκοῦν ψυχὴ ἐπειδὴ οὐδὲν μᾶλλον οὐδ᾽ ἧττον ἄλλη |93ε| ἄλλης αὐτὸ τοῦτο, ψυχή, ἐστίν, οὐδὲ δὴ μᾶλλον οὐδὲ ἧττον ἥρμοσται. The train of reasoning is thus. We agree that one soul is as much soul as any other. Assuming soul to be a harmony, this amounts to saying that all these harmonies, which we call souls, are equally harmonies. Now equal harmonies are equally harmonised and have an equal portion of harmony. Therefore souls, being harmonies, are equally harmonised. In other words, if souls are harmonies, they are equal harmonies; but equal harmonies cannot be more or less harmonised one than another; neither therefore can souls. There is no difficulty about ἁρμονίας, if we understand ‘that particular harmony which is soul.’
6 παντελῶς: {παντελῶς = absolute, complete, entire} Soul is complete and perfect soul, as such; therefore complete and perfect harmony: no discord then, and consequently no vice, can exist in her.
7 ψυχαὶ πεφύκασιν: Schanz brackets ψυχαὶ, following Heindorf. But the clause is of general application: ‘seeing that it is the nature of souls to be this precise thing, namely souls, in the same degree.’
8 ἦ καὶ καλῶς: ‘do you think this is a worthy conclusion? or that our theory would have been in such a predicament, had our premiss been correct, that soul is a harmony?’
9 πάσχειν ἂν: The mss. omit ἂν, which however occurs in the citation of Stobaeus. It is certainly necessary, since εἰ ὀρθὴ ἡ ὑπόθεσις ἦν = ‘if our premiss had been correct’: which it is not.

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Phaedo, Part 43.

—“Does it yield to the feelings of the body or oppose them? I mean, when the body is hot and thirsty, does not the soul oppose it and draw it away from drinking, and from eating when it is hungry, and do we not see the soul opposing the body |94c| in countless other ways?”
—“Certainly.”
—“Did we not agree in our previous discussion that it could never, if it be a harmony, give forth a sound at variance with the tensions and relaxations and vibrations and other conditions of the elements which compose it, but that it would follow them and never lead them?”
—“Yes,” he replied, “we did, of course.”
—“Well then, do we not now find that the soul acts in exactly the opposite way, leading those elements of which it is said to consist and opposing them |94d| in almost everything through all our life, and tyrannizing over them in every way, sometimes inflicting harsh and painful punishments (those of gymnastics and medicine), and sometimes milder ones, sometimes threatening and sometimes admonishing, in short, speaking to the desires and passions and fears as if it were distinct from them and they from it, as Homer has shown in the Odyssey when he says of Odysseus:”He smote his breast, and thus he chid his heart: “Endure it, heart, you have born worse than this.”
~Homer, Odyssey 20.17-18.
|94e| “Do you suppose that, when he wrote those words, he thought of the soul as a harmony which would be led by the conditions of the body, and not rather as something fitted to lead and rule them, and itself a far more divine thing than a harmony?”
—“By Zeus, Sokrates, the latter, I think.”
—“Then, my good friend, it will never do for us to say that the soul is a harmony; for we should, it seems, |95a| agree neither with Homer, the divine poet, nor with ourselves.”
—“That is true,” said he.
  Phaedo, 94b-95a, c. xliii. Lastly we see that the soul rules the body, often thwarting its desires and controlling its affections; whereas we saw that a harmony could not act in opposition to its constituent elements. Soul therefore cannot be a harmony.
  The last argument rests neither upon the ideal theory nor upon the doctrine that virtue is harmony: it is simply an appeal to common sense. Aristotle’s views on the subject will be found in De Anima 1 iv §§ 2-9. In the lost dialogue Eudemos he argued against harmony, (1) that harmony has an opposite, viz. ἀναρμοστία, but soul has no opposite—an obvious petitio principii; (2) that the opposite of ἀρμονία σώματος is ἀναρμοστία σώματος: the ἀναρμοστία is disease, weakness, and deformity, therefore the ἀρμονία is health, strength, and beauty; none of which is soul. See Bernays, Dialoge des Aristoteles p. 26.

Φαιδων, Part 43.

—τί δέ; ἦ δ᾽ ὅς: τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ πάντων ἔσθ᾽ ὅτι ἄλλο λέγεις ἄρχειν ἢ ψυχὴν ἄλλως τε καὶ φρόνιμον;
—οὐκ ἔγωγε.
—πότερον συγχωροῦσαν 1 τοῖς κατὰ τὸ σῶμα πάθεσιν ἢ καὶ ἐναντιουμένην; λέγω δὲ τὸ τοιόνδε, οἷον καύματος ἐνόντος καὶ δίψους ἐπὶ τοὐναντίον ἕλκειν, 2 τὸ μὴ πίνειν, καὶ πείνης ἐνούσης ἐπὶ τὸ μὴ ἐσθίειν, καὶ ἄλλα μυρία που ὁρῶμεν |94ξ| ἐναντιουμένην τὴν ψυχὴν τοῖς κατὰ τὸ σῶμα: ἢ οὔ;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
—οὐκοῦν αὖ ὡμολογήσαμεν ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν 3 μήποτ᾽ ἂν αὐτήν, ἁρμονίαν γε οὖσαν, ἐναντία ᾁδειν οἷς ἐπιτείνοιτο 4 καὶ χαλῷτο καὶ ψάλλοιτο καὶ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν πάθος πάσχοι ἐκεῖνα ἐξ ὧν τυγχάνοι οὖσα, ἀλλ᾽ ἕπεσθαι ἐκείνοις καὶ οὔποτ᾽ ἂν ἡγεμονεύειν;
—ὡμολογήσαμεν, ἔφη: πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
—τί οὖν; νῦν οὐ πᾶν τοὐναντίον ἡμῖν φαίνεται ἐργαζομένη, ἡγεμονεύουσά τε ἐκείνων πάντων ἐξ ὧν φησί τις αὐτὴν |94δ| εἶναι, καὶ ἐναντιουμένη ὀλίγου πάντα διὰ παντὸς τοῦ βίου καὶ δεσπόζουσα πάντας τρόπους, τὰ μὲν χαλεπώτερον κολάζουσα καὶ μετ᾽ ἀλγηδόνων, τά τε κατὰ τὴν γυμναστικὴν καὶ τὴν ἰατρικήν, τὰ δὲ πρᾳότερον, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀπειλοῦσα, τὰ δὲ νουθετοῦσα, ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις 5 καὶ ὀργαῖς καὶ φόβοις ὡς ἄλλη οὖσα ἄλλῳ πράγματι διαλεγομένη; οἷόν που καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐν Ὀδυσσείᾳ πεποίηκεν, οὗ λέγει τὸν Ὀδυσσέα:
—ἆρ᾽ οἴει αὐτὸν ταῦτα ποιῆσαι διανοούμενον ὡς ἁρμονίας αὐτῆς οὔσης καὶ οἵας ἄγεσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν τοῦ σώματος παθημάτων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ οἵας ἄγειν τε ταῦτα καὶ δεσπόζειν, καὶ οὔσης αὐτῆς πολὺ θειοτέρου τινὸς πράγματος ἢ καθ᾽ ἁρμονίαν;
—νὴ Δία, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ.
—οὐκ ἄρα, ὦ ἄριστε, ἡμῖν οὐδαμῇ καλῶς ἔχει ψυχὴν |95α| ἁρμονίαν τινὰ φάναι εἶναι: οὔτε γὰρ ἄν, ὡς ἔοικεν, Ὁμήρῳ 7 θείῳ ποιητῇ ὁμολογοῖμεν οὔτε αὐτοὶ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς.
—ἔχει οὕτως, ἔφη.

1 πότερον συγχωροῦσαν: The mss. are in confusion here. Schanz gives πότερον [συγχωροῦσαν] τοῖς κατὰ τὸ σῶμα πάθεσιν ἢ καὶ ἐναντιουμένην [παθὴμασι]; which, omitting the brackets, is the reading of BCD. Schanz considers that the confusion arose because the copyist was puzzled by the use of πότερον with a single interrogative. The sentence, as he reads it, seems to me however somewhat bare; and I have reverted to the text of Z. and St. In the next sentence ὡς εἰ is found in B, ὡσεἰ in CD. οἷον is in Stobaeus and many inferior mss. ὡς is in the margin of B, and was approved by Schanz N. C. p. 150, though he now prints [ὡσεἰ]. St. and Z. give οἷον.
2 ἐπὶ τοὐναντίον ἕλκειν: Cf. Republic 439b following.
3 ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν: 93a. St. and Z. give ἔμπρόσθεν.
4 οἷς ἐπιτείνοιτο: i.e. ἐκείνοις ἅ, cognate accusative, ‘it can never give a sound contrary to the tensions and relaxations and vibrations and all the other conditions of the materials from which it arises.’
5 ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις: The construction is usually regarded as following ἀπειλοῦσα rather than νουθετοῦσα. Heindorf compares Isokrates Areopagitikos 149c (§ 48) and Lysias against Andokides § 33. But it is surely evident that ἐπιθυμίαις κ.τ.λ. depends on διαλεγομένη, as Schleiermacher takes it.
6 στῆθος δὲ πλήξας: Odyssey xx 17. The passage is quoted also in Republic 390d, 441b.
7 Ὁμήρῳ: In the same half-serious manner Plato professes to trace the doctrine πάντα ῥεῖ {Heraclitus, “everything flows”} back to Homer: Theaetetus 152e εἰπών γὰρ Ὠκεανόν τε θεῶν γένεσιν καὶ μητέρα Τηθύνη, πάντα εἴρηκεν ἔκγονα ῥοῆς τε καὶ κινήσεως. Cf. 153c.

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Phaedo, Part 44.

—“Very well,” said Sokrates, “Harmonia, the Theban goddess, has, it seems, been moderately gracious to us; but how, Kebes, and by what argument can we find grace in the sight of Cadmus?”
—“I think,” said Kebes, “you will find a way. At any rate, you conducted this argument against harmony wonderfully and better than I expected. For when Simmias was telling of his difficulty, I wondered if anyone could make head against |95b| his argument; so it seemed to me very remarkable that it could not withstand the first attack of your argument. Now I should not be surprised if the argument of Cadmus met with the same fate.”
—“My friend,” said Sokrates, “do not be boastful, lest some evil eye put to rout the argument that is to come. That, however, is in the hands of God. Let us, in Homeric fashion, charge the foe and test the worth of what you say. Now the sum total of what you seek is this: You demand a proof that our soul is indestructible |95c| and immortal, if the philosopher, who is confident in the face of death and who thinks that after death he will fare better in the other world than if he had lived his life differently, is not to find his confidence senseless and foolish. And although we show that the soul is strong and godlike and existed before we men were born as men, all this, you say, may bear witness not to immortality, but only to the fact that the soul lasts a long while, and existed somewhere an immeasurably long time before our birth, and knew and did various things; yet it was none the more immortal for all that, |95d| but its very entrance into the human body was the beginning of its dissolution, a disease, as it were; and it lives in toil through this life and finally perishes in what we call death. Now it makes no difference, you say, whether a soul enters into a body once or many times, so far as the fear each of us feels is concerned; for anyone, unless he is a fool, must fear, if he does not know and cannot prove that the soul is immortal. That, |95e| Kebes, is, I think, about what you mean. And I restate it purposely that nothing may escape us and that you may, if you wish, add or take away anything.”
—And Kebes said, “I do not at present wish to take anything away or to add anything. You have expressed my meaning.”
  Phaedo, 95a-e, c. xliv. Having thus disposed of the theory of harmony, Sokrates proceeds to deal with the objection of Kebes, which he first recapitulates. If the philosopher is to feel any reasonable confidence that his life in Hades will be the happier for his devotion to philosophy on earth, we must prove that the soul is absolutely indestructible. It is not enough that she is strong and godlike, nor that for ages before our birth she enjoyed an intelligent existence. This does not prove her immortality: the very incarnation in a human body may be the first symptom of her coming dissolution; it matters not whether she undergo one or many such incarnations; if we cannot show that she is actually imperishable, our hope of a future life is vanity.

Φαιδων, Part 44.

—εἶεν δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὃς ὁ Σωκράτης, τὰ μὲν Ἁρμονίας 1 ἡμῖν τῆς Θηβαϊκῆς ἵλεά πως, ὡς ἔοικε, μετρίως γέγονεν: τί δὲ δὴ τὰ Κάδμου, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, πῶς ἱλασόμεθα καὶ τίνι λόγῳ;
—σύ μοι δοκεῖς, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, ἐξευρήσειν: τουτονὶ γοῦν τὸν λόγον τὸν πρὸς τὴν ἁρμονίαν θαυμαστῶς μοι εἶπες ὡς παρὰ δόξαν. Σιμμίου γὰρ λέγοντος ὅ τε ἠπόρει, 2 πάνυ ἐθαύμαζον |95β| εἴ τι ἕξει τις χρήσασθαι τῷ λόγῳ αὐτοῦ: πάνυ οὖν μοι ἀτόπως ἔδοξεν εὐθὺς τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον οὐ δέξασθαι τοῦ σοῦ λόγου. ταὐτὰ δὴ οὐκ ἂν θαυμάσαιμι καὶ τὸν τοῦ Κάδμου λόγον εἰ πάθοι.

ὠγαθέ, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, μὴ μέγα λέγε, μή τις ἡμῖν βασκανία 3 περιτρέψῃ τὸν λόγον τὸν μέλλοντα ἔσεσθαι. 4 ἀλλὰ δὴ ταῦτα μὲν τῷ θεῷ μελήσει, ἡμεῖς δὲ Ὁμηρικῶς 5 ἐγγὺς ἰόντες πειρώμεθα εἰ ἄρα τι λέγεις. ἔστι δὲ δὴ τὸ κεφάλαιον ὧν ζητεῖς: ἀξιοῖς ἐπιδειχθῆναι ἡμῶν τὴν ψυχὴν |95ξ| ἀνώλεθρόν τε καὶ ἀθάνατον οὖσαν, εἰ φιλόσοφος ἀνὴρ 6 μέλλων ἀποθανεῖσθαι, θαρρῶν τε καὶ ἡγούμενος ἀποθανὼν ἐκεῖ εὖ πράξειν διαφερόντως ἢ εἰ εἰ ἐν ἄλλῳ βίῳ 7 βιοὺς ἐτελεύτα, μὴ ἀνόητόν τε καὶ ἠλίθιον θάρρος θαρρήσει.
—τὸ δὲ ἀποφαίνειν 8 ὅτι ἰσχυρόν τί ἐστιν ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ θεοειδὲς καὶ ἦν ἔτι πρότερον, πρὶν ἡμᾶς ἀνθρώπους γενέσθαι, οὐδὲν κωλύειν φῂς πάντα ταῦτα μηνύειν ἀθανασίαν μὲν μή, ὅτι δὲ πολυχρόνιόν τέ ἐστιν ψυχὴ καὶ ἦν που πρότερον ἀμήχανον ὅσον χρόνον καὶ ᾔδει τε καὶ ἔπραττεν πολλὰ ἄττα: ἀλλὰ γὰρ |95δ| οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἦν ἀθάνατον, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἰς ἀνθρώπου σῶμα ἐλθεῖν ἀρχὴ ἦν αὐτῇ ὀλέθρου, 9 ὥσπερ νόσος: καὶ ταλαιπωρουμένη τε δὴ τοῦτον τὸν βίον ζῴη 10 καὶ τελευτῶσά γε ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ θανάτῳ ἀπολλύοιτο. διαφέρειν δὲ δὴ φῂς οὐδὲν εἴτε ἅπαξ εἰς σῶμα ἔρχεται εἴτε πολλάκις, πρός γε τὸ ἕκαστον ἡμῶν φοβεῖσθαι: προσήκει γὰρ φοβεῖσθαι, εἰ μὴ ἀνόητος εἴη, τῷ μὴ εἰδότι μηδὲ ἔχοντι λόγον διδόναι |95ε| ὡς ἀθάνατόν ἐστι. τοιαῦτ᾽ ἄττα ἐστίν, οἶμαι, ὦ Κέβης, ἃ λέγεις: καὶ ἐξεπίτηδες πολλάκις ἀναλαμβάνω, 11 ἵνα μή τι διαφύγῃ ἡμᾶς, εἴ τέ τι βούλει, προσθῇς ἢ ἀφέλῃς.
—καὶ ὁ Κέβης, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν ἔγωγε ἐν τῷ παρόντι, ἔφη, οὔτε ἀφελεῖν οὔτε προσθεῖναι δέομαι: ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα ἃ λέγω.

1 τὰ μὲν Ἁρμονίας: Sokrates playfully personifies the theory of his Theban friend as Harmonia the Theban heroine. She had threatened the argument with destruction, but the persuasive tongue of Sokrates has propitiated her. Harmonia naturally suggests Kadmos, who is made to personify the objection of Kebes. Many and marvellous are the interpretations which various commentators have forced upon this simple piece of pleasantry, which ill deserves such treatment. But even the laboured absurdity of Olympiodoros compares favourably with such trifling as Stallbaum’s ‘Simmiae ratio facilior, Cebetis difficilior ad refellendum fuit. quamobrem facile ilia uxori haec marito tribuitur.’ Supposing the ‘ratio’ of Simmias had been ten times more difficult than that of Kebes, to whom but Harmonia could it have been assigned? Heindorf sensibly says ‘hinc ad alteram illam Cebetis itidem Thebani transituro sponte se Cadmi offerebat mentio.’ Richard Shilleto (as I am informed by Dr. Jackson) held that ἵλεα conveys the notion of ‘bidding farewell.’ ἵλαθι having the same sense addressed to a deity as χαῖρε addressed to a mortal: this view he supports by Cicero De Natura Deorum I § 124 deinde si maxime talis est deus, ut nulla gratia, nulla hominum caritate teneatur, valeat; quid enim dicam ‘propitius sit‘? This seems to me very probable: ἵλαθι certainly is a form of farewell in Theokritus xv 143, where the lady ends her song with ἵλαθι νῶν φίλ Ἄδωνι καὶ ἐς νέωτ’ εὐθυμήσαις. Compare Apollonius Rhodius IV 1773 ἵλατ ἀριστήων μακάρων γένος: the poet is taking leave of his heroes. I am indebted to Dr. Jackson for some further illustrations from the Anthology: the point is well brought out in xii 140.
2 ὅ τι ἠπόρει: So Schanz after Forster. I have adopted ὅ τι mainly because λέγοντος seems to want an object. If ὅτε be retained we must translate: ‘while Simmias was speaking, at the time he was stating his difficulty.’ Kebes did not agree with the theory of Simmias, but apparently did not see his way to refute it.
3 βασκανία: ‘lest some malign influence should put to confusion our discourse that is to come.’ βασκανία expresses the prevalent superstition that over-confidence on the part of man drew down on him the resentment of superhuman powers. Cf. Vergilius Eclogue vii 27 aut, si ultra placitum laudarit, bacchare frontem Cingite, ne vati noceat mala lingua futuro. The ‘mala lingua’ of Codrus vents its malice, not in abuse, but in extravagant praise exciting supernal wrath. This feeling has found its most perfect expression in Caliban upon Setebos, e.g. ‘Meanwhile the best way to escape His ire Is, not to seem too happy. ‘Sees, himself, Yonder two flies, with purple films and pink, Bask on the pompion-bell above: kills both.’ Plato, however, when speaking seriously, is careful to repudiate the popular notion of θεῶν φθόνος: cf. Timaeus 29e ἀγαθὸς ἦν [sc. ὁ τόδε τὸ πᾶν ξυνιστάς], ἀγαθῷ δὲ οὐδεὶς περὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδέποτε ἐγγίγνεται φθόνος. See too Phaedrus 247a φθόνος γὰρ ἔξω θείου χοροῦ ἵσταται. Aristotle also denies it, Metaphysics I ii 983 a 2. ἡμῖν is Heindorf’s correction for ἡμῶν, which seems too far removed from τὸν λόγον.
4 ἔσεσθαι: seems suspicious, and is bracketed by Schanz. As it has strong ms. support, however, I have retained it. λέγεσθαι has hardly any authority.
5 Ὁμηρικῶς: Prof. Geddes rightly translates, ‘as Homer’s heroes do‘: not, as Wagner, ‘in Homeric phrase.’
6 εἰ φιλόσοφος ἀνὴρ: Note that Plato once more carefully marks the proof of immortality as merely subordinate to this main thesis.
7 εἰ ἐν ἄλλῳ βίῳ: i.e. ἐν βίῳ μὴ φιλοσόφῳ.
8 τὸ δὲ ἀποφαίνειν: ‘but as for proving that the soul is a strong and godlike thing, and that she existed even before we were born as men—there is nothing, you say, to prevent all this from showing, not indeed her immortality, but that she is long-lived, etc.’ That is to say, Kebes does not object to the reasoning of Sokrates, so far as it merely shows that the soul is very durable; but it is none the nearer to showing that she is immortal.
9 ἀρχὴ ἦν αὐτῇ ὀλέθρου: Kebes did not put it quite in this way; Sokrates amplifies his expression in 88a πονεῖν αὐτὴν ἐν ταῖς πολλαῖς γενέσεσι.
10 ζῴη: The change of mood is readily understood if we transfer the words from reported to direct speech. The two imperfects would naturally be used by Kebes in making his statement: ‘for all your reasoning, she was none the more immortal’ (ἦν = ἦν ἄρα); ‘the incarnation was the beginning of her dissolution’: while the two optatives would in his mouth be present indicative; ζῇ and ἀπόλλυται. As Ast says, the construction follows ὅτι: cf. 96b, where ὅτι is never actually expressed.
12 πολλάκις ἀναλαμβάνω: This extreme care in preparing the indictment serves to remind us of the vital importance of the coming struggle. All that precedes has been, so to speak, mere skirmishing: from this point the main battle begins; the whole strength of the ideal theory must be put forth to secure the victory.

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Phaedo, Part 45.

—Sokrates paused for some time and was absorbed in thought. Then he said: “It is no small thing that you seek; for the cause of generation and decay must be completely investigated. |96a| Now I will tell you my own experience in the matter, if you wish; then if anything I say seems to you to be of any use, you can employ it for the solution of your difficulty.”
—“Certainly,” said Kebes, “I wish to hear your experiences.”
—“Listen then, and I will tell you. When I was young, Kebes, I was tremendously eager for the kind of wisdom which they call investigation of nature. I thought it was a glorious thing to know the causes of everything, why each thing comes into being and why it perishes and why it exists; |96b| and I was always unsettling myself with such questions as these: Do heat and cold, by a sort of fermentation, bring about the organization of animals, as some people say? Is it the blood, or air, or fire by which we think? Or is it none of these, and does the brain furnish the sensations of hearing and sight and smell, and do memory and opinion arise from these, and does knowledge come from memory and opinion in a state of rest? And again I tried to find out |96c| how these things perish, and I investigated the phenomena of heaven and earth until finally I made up my mind that I was by nature totally unfitted for this kind of investigation. And I will give you a sufficient proof of this. I was so completely blinded by these studies that I lost the knowledge that I, and others also, thought I had before; I forgot what I had formerly believed I knew about many things and even about the cause of man’s growth. For I had thought previously that it was plain to everyone that man grows through eating and |96d| drinking; for when, from the food he eats, flesh is added to his flesh and bones to his bones, and in the same way the appropriate thing is added to each of his other parts, then the small bulk becomes greater and the small man large. That is what I used to think. Doesn’t that seem to you reasonable?”
—“Yes,” said Kebes.
—“Now listen to this, too. I thought I was sure enough, when I saw a tall man standing by a short one, that he was, say, taller by a head than the other, |96e| and that one horse was larger by a head than another horse; and, to mention still clearer things than those, I thought ten were more than eight because two had been added to the eight, and I thought a two-cubit rule was longer than a one-cubit rule because it exceeded it by half its length.”
—“And now,” said Kebes, “what do you think about them?”
—“By Zeus,” said he, “I am far from thinking that I know the cause of any of these things, I who do not even dare to say, when one is added to one, whether the one to which the addition was made has become two, or the one which was added, or the one which was added and |97a| the one to which it was added became two by the addition of each to the other. I think it is wonderful that when each of them was separate from the other, each was one and they were not then two, and when they were brought near each other this juxtaposition was the cause of their becoming two. And I cannot yet believe that if one is divided, the division causes it to become two; for this is the opposite of |97b| the cause which produced two in the former case; for then two arose because one was brought near and added to another one, and now because one is removed and separated from other. And I no longer believe that I know by this method even how one is generated or, in a word, how anything is generated or is destroyed or exists, and I no longer admit this method, but have another confused way of my own.
  Phaedo, 95e-97b, c. xlv. This demands an investigation into the causes of generation and decay, on which subject Sokrates proposes to relate his own experiences. In his youth he was strongly fascinated by the old physical philosophy; he inquired whether heat and cold were the universal generative forces; whether the blood were the source of intelligence, or fire, or air, or the brain. But finally he came to the conclusion that he had no aptitude for such speculations, and even lost his faith in the knowledge he before supposed himself to possess. Formerly he rested comfortably in the belief that eating and drinking were the cause of growth; nor did he shrink from saying that one man was taller than another by the head, and that ten are more than eight because of the addition of two. But now he cannot satisfy himself that the mere juxtaposition of separate units is a sufficient cause for their being two; all the less because the same result is produced by the precisely opposite process of division; nor can he even tell why one is one; but he is forced to reject the physical method as affording no real explanation of anything.

Φαιδων, Part 45.

—ὁ οὖν Σωκράτης συχνὸν χρόνον ἐπισχὼν καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτόν τι σκεψάμενος, οὐ φαῦλον πρᾶγμα, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, ζητεῖς: ὅλως γὰρ 1 δεῖ περὶ γενέσεως καὶ φθορᾶς τὴν αἰτίαν διαπραγματεύσασθαι.
|96α| ἐγὼ οὖν σοι δίειμι περὶ αὐτῶν, ἐὰν βούλῃ, τά γε ἐμὰ πάθη: 2 ἔπειτα ἄν τί σοι χρήσιμον φαίνηται ὧν ἂν λέγῃς, 3 χρήσῃ.
—ἀλλὰ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, βούλομαί γε.
—ἄκουε τοίνυν ὡς ἐροῦντος. ἐγὼ γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, νέος ὢν θαυμαστῶς ὡς ἐπεθύμησα ταύτης τῆς σοφίας ἣν δὴ καλοῦσι περὶ φύσεως ἱστορίαν: ὑπερήφανος γάρ μοι ἐδόκει εἶναι, εἰδέναι τὰς αἰτίας ἑκάστου, διὰ τί γίγνεται ἕκαστον καὶ διὰ τί ἀπόλλυται καὶ διὰ τί ἔστι. καὶ πολλάκις |96β| ἐμαυτὸν ἄνω κάτω μετέβαλλον σκοπῶν πρῶτον τὰ τοιάδε: ἆρ᾽ ἐπειδὰν τὸ θερμὸν καὶ τὸ ψυχρὸν 4 σηπεδόνα 5 τινὰ λάβῃ, ὥς τινες ἔλεγον, τότε δὴ τὰ ζῷα συντρέφεται;
—καὶ πότερον τὸ αἷμά 6 ἐστιν ᾧ φρονοῦμεν, ἢ ὁ ἀὴρ 7 ἢ τὸ πῦρ; ἢ τούτων μὲν οὐδέν, ὁ δ᾽ ἐγκέφαλός 8 ἐστιν ὁ τὰς αἰσθήσεις παρέχων τοῦ ἀκούειν καὶ ὁρᾶν καὶ ὀσφραίνεσθαι, ἐκ τούτων δὲ γίγνοιτο μνήμη καὶ δόξα, ἐκ δὲ μνήμης καὶ δόξης λαβούσης τὸ ἠρεμεῖν, 9 κατὰ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι ἐπιστήμην; καὶ αὖ τούτων τὰς φθορὰς σκοπῶν, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν οὐρανόν
|96ξ| τε καὶ τὴν γῆν πάθη, τελευτῶν οὕτως ἐμαυτῷ ἔδοξα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν σκέψιν ἀφυὴς εἶναι 10 ὡς οὐδὲν χρῆμα. τεκμήριον δέ σοι ἐρῶ ἱκανόν: ἐγὼ γὰρ ἃ καὶ πρότερον 11 σαφῶς ἠπιστάμην, ὥς γε ἐμαυτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐδόκουν, τότε ὑπὸ ταύτης τῆς σκέψεως οὕτω σφόδρα ἐτυφλώθην, ὥστε ἀπέμαθον καὶ ταῦτα ἃ πρὸ τοῦ ᾤμην εἰδέναι, περὶ ἄλλων τε πολλῶν καὶ διὰ τί ἄνθρωπος αὐξάνεται. τοῦτο γὰρ ᾤμην πρὸ τοῦ παντὶ δῆλον εἶναι, ὅτι διὰ τὸ ἐσθίειν καὶ πίνειν: |96δ| ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν σιτίων ταῖς μὲν σαρξὶ σάρκες 12 προσγένωνται, τοῖς δὲ ὀστοῖς ὀστᾶ, καὶ οὕτω κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τὰ αὐτῶν οἰκεῖα ἑκάστοις προσγένηται, τότε δὴ τὸν ὀλίγον ὄγκον ὄντα ὕστερον πολὺν γεγονέναι, καὶ οὕτω γίγνεσθαι τὸν σμικρὸν ἄνθρωπον μέγαν. οὕτως τότε ᾤμην: οὐ δοκῶ σοι μετρίως;
—ἔμοιγε, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης.
—σκέψαι δὴ καὶ τάδε ἔτι. ᾤμην γὰρ ἱκανῶς μοι δοκεῖν, ὁπότε τις φαίνοιτο ἄνθρωπος παραστὰς μέγας σμικρῷ μείζων |96ε| εἶναι αὐτῇ 13 τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ ἵππος ἵππου: καὶ ἔτι γε τούτων ἐναργέστερα, τὰ δέκα μοι ἐδόκει τῶν ὀκτὼ πλέονα εἶναι διὰ τὸ δύο αὐτοῖς προσεῖναι, καὶ τὸ δίπηχυ τοῦ πηχυαίου μεῖζον εἶναι διὰ τὸ ἡμίσει αὐτοῦ ὑπερέχειν.
—νῦν δὲ δή, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, τί σοι δοκεῖ περὶ αὐτῶν;
—πόρρω που, ἔφη, νὴ Δία ἐμὲ εἶναι τοῦ οἴεσθαι περὶ τούτων του τὴν αἰτίαν εἰδέναι, ὅς γε οὐκ ἀποδέχομαι ἐμαυτοῦ οὐδὲ ὡς ἐπειδὰν ἑνί τις προσθῇ ἕν, ἢ τὸ ἓν ᾧ προσετέθη δύο γέγονεν, ἢ τὸ προστεθὲν 14 καὶ ᾧ προσετέθη |97α| διὰ τὴν πρόσθεσιν τοῦ ἑτέρου τῷ ἑτέρῳ δύο ἐγένετο: θαυμάζω γὰρ εἰ ὅτε μὲν ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν χωρὶς ἀλλήλων ἦν, ἓν ἄρα ἑκάτερον ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἤστην τότε δύο, ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐπλησίασαν ἀλλήλοις, αὕτη ἄρα αἰτία αὐτοῖς ἐγένετο τοῦ δύο γενέσθαι, ἡ σύνοδος 15 τοῦ πλησίον ἀλλήλων τεθῆναι. οὐδέ γε ὡς ἐάν τις ἓν διασχίσῃ, δύναμαι ἔτι πείθεσθαι ὡς αὕτη αὖ αἰτία γέγονεν, ἡ σχίσις, τοῦ δύο γεγονέναι: ἐναντία γὰρ |97β| γίγνεται 16 ἢ τότε αἰτία τοῦ δύο γίγνεσθαι. τότε μὲν γὰρ ὅτι συνήγετο πλησίον ἀλλήλων καὶ προσετίθετο ἕτερον ἑτέρῳ, νῦν δ᾽ ὅτι ἀπάγεται καὶ χωρίζεται ἕτερον ἀφ᾽ ἑτέρου. οὐδέ γε δι᾽ ὅτι ἓν γίγνεται ὡς ἐπίσταμαι, ἔτι πείθω ἐμαυτόν, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἑνὶ λόγῳ δι᾽ ὅτι γίγνεται ἢ ἀπόλλυται ἢ ἔστι, κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον 17 τῆς μεθόδου, ἀλλά τιν᾽ ἄλλον τρόπον αὐτὸς εἰκῇ φύρω, 18 τοῦτον δὲ οὐδαμῇ προσίεμαι.

1 ὅλως γὰρ: The ἀπορία {aporia = perplexity} of Kebes necessarily raises the question propounded in Timaeus 27d τί τὸ ὂν ἀεί, γένεσιν δὲ οὐκ ἔχον, καὶ τί τὸ γιγνόμενον μὲν ἀεί, ὂν δὲ οὐδέποτε; The immortality of the soul can only be proved by means of the theory of ideas; and in order that we may fully understand the bearing of that theory, it is put in sharp contrast with the αἰτίαι {reason, cause} of previous philosophies.
2 τά γε ἐμὰ πάθη: It has been maintained that we have here a piece of actual history; that the mental development of the real Sokrates is here described. This is, however, highly improbable. We know from Xenophon (Memorabilia I i 11-15) that Sokrates had the utmost distaste for physical speculation; nor does Xenophon say one word which leads us to suppose this was the result of fruitless study. Such inquiries must have been always alien to the strongly practical genius of Sokrates. Plato may be merely describing in its supposed effect on an individual mind the development of philosophy to the theory of ideas; but it is not impossible that he is recounting his own experience. Nothing can be more probable than that a mind so insatiably thirsting for knowledge should have already sought it from every existing source, and that when he met Sokrates his disappointment in all should fast be leading him to philosophic scepticism. But in the lack of direct evidence it would be rash to speak positively.
3 ὧν ἂν λέγῃς: i.e. whatever you may have to say after hearing my reply. ὧν λέγεις would refer to the statement already made by Kebes; but this has less ms. authority.
4 τὸ θερμὸν καὶ τὸ ψυχρὸν: This was held by several philosophers, first perhaps by Anaximandros, of whose ἄπειρον {apeiron = the infinite, unlimited}, according to Plutarch and Stobaeus, the first determinations were these. Simplicius assigns to him other ἐναντιότητες {inceptions} among the first determinations, such as ξηρὸν {dry} and ὑγρόν {wet}. To Anaxagoras this classification is attributed by Theophrastos De Sensu 59; and to Archelaos by Diogenes Laertius ii 16. Compare Aristotle De Generatione et Corruptione II ii 329 b 24 Θερμὸν δὲ καὶ ψυχρὸν καὶ ὑγρὸν καὶ ξηρὸν τὰ μὲν τῷ ποιητικὰ εἶναι τὰ δὲ τῷ παθητικὰ λέγεται. Schanz gives τὸ θερμὸν [καὶ ψυχρόν] {the hot [and cold]}.
5 σηπεδόνα: ‘fermentation.’ The σηπεδὼν would take place by the action of θερμὸν {heat}, cf. Aristotle De Generatione Animalium v iv 784b 6 γίνεται δὲ σῆψις διὰ θερμότητος μὲν πᾶσα, οὐ τῆς συμφύτου δέ. {‘All decay is caused by heat, not the innate heat but external heat.’} Also Meteorologica IV i 379 a 16 σῆψις δ’ ἐττὶ φθορὰ τῆς ἐν ἑκάστῳ ὑγρῷ οἰκείας καὶ κατὰ φύσιν θερμότητος· αἵτη δ’ ἔστιν ἡ τοῦπεριέχοντος. {‘the strictest general opposite of true becoming is putrefaction.’} Decomposition of matter in one form must precede its recomposition in another.
6 τὸ αἷμά: See Empedokles 315 (Karsten).
  αἵματος ἐν πελάγεσσι τεθραμμένη ἀμφιθροῶντος,
  τῇ τε νόημα μάλιστα κυκλίσκεται ἀνθρώποισιν·
  αἷμα γὰρἀνθρώποις περιάρδιόν ἐστι νόημα.
Compare too the Hippokratean treatise περὶ νούσων book 1 (Kuhn vol. I p. 209) τὸ αἷμα τὸ ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ πλεῖστον συμβάλλεται μέρος συνέσιος· ἔνιοι δὲ λέγουσι τὸ πᾶν. The same view is mentioned by Lucretius in 43, without being assigned to any particular authority: ‘et se scire animae naturam sanguinis esse.’ Aristotle De Anima I ii 405b 5 gives Kritias as the upholder of this theory: ἕτεροι δ’ αἷμα, καθάπερ Κριτίας, τὸ αἰσθάνεσθαι ψυχῆς οἰκειότατον ὑπολαμβάνοντες, τοῦτο δ’ ὑπάρχειν διὰ τὴν τοῦ αἵματος φύσιν.
7 ὁ ἀὴρ: This too was the view of more than one philosopher. Air was the ἀρχὴ {arche = first principle} of Anaximenes. Diogenes of Apollonia said the soul was dry hot air; as in a passage quoted by Simplicius, καὶ πάντων τῶν ζῴων δὲ ἡ ψυχὴ τὸ αὐτό ἐστιν, ἀὴρ θερμότερος μὲν τοῦ ἔξω, ἐν ᾧ εἰμέν, τοῦ μέντοι παρὰ τοῦ ἠελίου πολλὸν χυχρότερος: and again ἄνθρωπος γὰρ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ζῷα ἀναπνέοντα ζώει τῷ ἀέρι, καὶ τοῦτο αὐτοῖσι καὶ ψυχή ἐστι καὶνόησις. Cf. Theophrastos De Sensu 39-45. τὸ πῦρ: This was held by Herakleitos, who considered the soul as a ξηρὰ ἀναθυμίασις {dry fumes}. Cf. Aristotle De Anima I ii.
8 ὁ δ᾽ ἐγκέφαλός: It is very doubtful to whom this doctrine must be assigned. Possibly it was merely a popular opinion, as Wyttenbach thinks. It has been ascribed to the Pythagoreans; but this rests only on a statement of Diogenes Laertius (viii 30), which has a suspiciously post-platonic appearance. E. Hirzel (Hermes, vol. xi p. 240) endeavours to trace it to Alkmaion of Krotona; but his evidence hardly amounts to proof. Theophrastos De Sensu 26 does indeed say of him that he affirmed ἁπάσας τὰς αἰσθήσεις συνηρτῆσθαί πως πρὸς τὸν ἐγκέφαλον, but this is not very definite. It may be observed that the brain is not ᾧ φρονοῦμεν, but ὁ τὰς αἰσθήσεις παρέχων: and the view of Hippokrates is not far off this. In a passage quoted by Heindorf, De Morbo Sacro 17, he says of the brain, It is the brain which is the messenger to the understanding. For when the man draws the breath (pneuma) into himself, it passes first to the brain, and thus the air is distributed to the rest of the body, leaving in the brain its acme, and whatever has sense and understanding. For if it passed first to the body and last to the brain, then having left in the flesh and veins the judgment, when it reached the brain it would be hot, and not at all pure, but mixed with the humidity from flesh and blood, so as to be no longer pure. Wherefore, I say, that it is the brain which interprets the understanding. Thus Hippokrates may be said to have held that air is ᾧ φρονοῦμεν and the brain is ὁ τὰς αἰσθήσεις παρέχων. Still as the brain is introduced as an alternative to air, not as supplementary, probably no special reference to Hippokrates is intended. Plato’s own view is that the brain and spinal marrow form the medium through which the soul acts on the body: Timaeus 73c-d. For the process of growth see Timaeus 80d following.
9 λαβούσης τὸ ἠρεμεῖν: Cf. Meno [97e] καὶ γὰρ αἱ δόξαι αἱ ἀληθεῖς, ὅσον μὲν ἂν χρόνον παραμένωσιν, καλὸν τὸ χρῆμα καὶ πάντ᾽ [98a] ἀγαθὰ ἐργάζονται· πολὺν δὲ χρόνον οὐκ ἐθέλουσι παραμένειν, ἀλλὰ δραπετεύουσιν ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, ὥστε οὐ πολλοῦ ἄξιαί εἰσιν, ἕως ἄν τις αὐτὰς δήσῃ αἰτίας λογισμῷ. τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστίν, ὦ Μένων ἑταῖρε, ἀνάμνησις, ὡς ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν ἡμῖν ὡμολόγηται. ἐπειδὰν δὲ δεθῶσιν, πρῶτον μὲν ἐπιστῆμαι γίγνονται, ἔπειτα μόνιμοι· καὶ διὰ ταῦτα δὴ τιμιώτερον ἐπιστήμη ὀρθῆς δόξης ἐστίν, καὶ διαφέρει δεσμῷ ἐπιστήμη ὀρθῆς δόξης. Also Aristotle Analytics Posterior 11 xix 100 a 3 Ἐκ μὲν οὖν αἰσθήσεως γίνεται μνήμη, ὥσπερ λέγομεν, ἐκ δὲ μνήμης πολλάκις τοῦ αὐτοῦ γινομένης ἐμπειρία· αἱ γὰρ πολλαὶ μνῆμαι τῷ ἀριθμῷ ἐμπειρία μία ἐστίν. ἐκ δ’ ἐμπειρίας ἢ ἐκ παντὸς ἠρεμήσαντος τοῦ καθόλου ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ, τοῦ ἑνὸς παρὰ τὰ πολλά, ὃ ἂν ἐν ἅπασιν ἓν ἐνῇ ἐκείνοις τὸ αὐτό, τέχνης ἀρχὴ καὶ ἐπιστήμης, ἐὰν μὲν περὶ γένεσιν, τέχνης, ἐὰν δὲ περὶ τὸ ὄν, ἐπιστήμης. See also Metaphysics I i 980 b 28. To Plato the difference between δόξα {good opinion} and ἐπιστήμη {science, knowedge} was fundamental, the one dealing with γιγνόνενα {becoming, coming into being}, the other with ὄντα {being}.
10 ἀφυὴς εἶναι: ‘nothing in the world could be more stupid in such studies than myself.’ Cope.
11 ἃ καὶ πρότερον: There are three stages to be discriminated in the πάθη of Sokrates: (1) the period when he was content with the ordinary beliefs of the unreflecting many concerning γένεσις καὶ φθορά {coming into being and passing away}: (2) when he sought some more scientific theory in the speculations of the physicists: (3) when, disappointed in this and failing in his search for the ultimate αἰτία itself, he fell back upon his system of λόγοι.
12 ταῖς μὲν σαρξὶ σάρκες: This is commonly understood as alluding to the theory of Anaxagoras. But I cannot imagine that any such reference is meant. Sokrates says that his physical studies not only brought him no fresh knowledge but made him sceptical of that which he fancied he already possessed. This belief therefore is one that he held, not only before he made acquaintance with the works of Anaxagoras, but before he entered upon any physical speculations whatsoever. It is probably the view of popular common sense, that the human frame is composed of the food consumed, without any reference to the ὁμοιομερῆ.
13 μεῖζον εἶναι αὐτοῦ: The mss. have αὐτῇ. I have accepted Wyttenbach’s correction (1) because the following words, καὶ ἵππος ἵππου, seem to require that the object of comparison should be expressed here also, (2) because αὐτῇ seems superfluous with τῇ κεφαλῇ. If we retain αὐτῇ, we must translate ‘just by the head.’ Cf. 101a.
14 ἢ τὸ προστεθέν: Wyttenbach writes these words twice over, arguing that the question should be put thus: if B be added to A, has A become two, or B, or are A + B two because of their juxtaposition? Schanz follows him. I cannot see that Plato is bound to express this in full, and therefore I have reverted to the ms. reading.
15 ἡ ξύνοδος: ‘the juxtaposition caused by their approximation.’ τοῦ πλησίον ἀλλήλων τεθῆναι is explanatory genitive after ξύνοδος: compare Timaeus 58b ἡ δὴ τῆς πιλήσεως ξύνοδος. The right explanation, according to Plato, is not juxtaposition but participation in the idea of duality: it is irrational to speak as if the mere approximation of two objects one to the other had anything to do with the question.
16 ἐναντία γὰρ γίγνεται: The fact that two opposite processes produce the same result shows that neither of them can really be the explanation of the result; they are συναίτια, not αἰτία.
17 κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον i.e. the method of physical speculation.
18 αὐτὸς εἰκῇ φύρω: ‘I mix up everything at random according to another method of my own.’ Such is the literal translation of this difficult phrase, but the meaning is not so easily fixed. Wyttenbach, saying that the ideal theory cannot possibly be meant, takes φύρω as virtually a past tense, and explains ‘alium modum ex male intellecto Anaxagora susceptum commentus sum.’ Prof. Geddes translates ‘it so chances that I form to myself another method.’ He says φύρω is ‘I work up,’ like dough, and quotes Aristophanes Birds 482 προπεφύραται λόγος εἷς μοι {I have already mixed the dough of my address and nothing prevents me from kneading it}: and so Heindorf takes it. But φύρω is not the same as φυράω: Plato always uses the former word in the sense of ‘confusing,’ see below 101d, Gorgias 465d, etc. For ‘kneading’ he uses the proper word φυράω, cf. Timaeus 73e, Theaetetus 147c. The exact phrase occurs in Aeschylus Prometheus 450 ἔφυρον εἰκῇ πάντα. Wyttenbach’s explanation will not do; we have the present tense running through the whole passage. Nor does Sokrates represent his view as arising from that of Anaxagoras. I believe Sokrates is speaking half ironically, half in earnest. We must remember that the Platonic Sokrates took refuge, not in the theory of ideas, which he failed to reach, but in the method of λόγοι, cf. 99 e. This method is then what he means by τιν᾽ ἄλλον τρόπον. In 101c he advises Kebes to leave divisions and additions and such subtleties to those who are cleverer than he. There the irony is obvious; and here with the same irony he says that being unable to follow any of the infallible methods of the physicists he was forced to blunder on after a fashion of his own. And although he does not seriously mean to disparage his own method in comparison with theirs, perhaps he does hint some dissatisfaction that he is still unable to work on the more perfect principle.

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Phaedo, Part 46.

—“Then one day I heard a man reading from a book, as he said, by Anaxagoras, |97c| that it is the mind that arranges and causes all things. I was pleased with this theory of cause, and it seemed to me to be somehow right that the mind should be the cause of all things, and I thought, ‘If this is so, the mind in arranging things arranges everything and establishes each thing as it is best for it to be. So if anyone wishes to find the cause of the generation or destruction or existence of a particular thing, he must find out what sort of existence, or passive state of any kind, or activity is best for it. And therefore in respect to |97d| that particular thing, and other things too, a man need examine nothing but what is best and most excellent; for then he will necessarily know also what is inferior, since the science of both is the same. As I considered these things I was delighted to think that I had found in Anaxagoras a teacher of the cause of things quite to my mind, and I thought he would tell me whether the earth is flat or round, and when |97e| he had told me that, would go on to explain the cause and the necessity of it, and would tell me the nature of the best and why it is best for the earth to be as it is; and if he said the earth was in the center, he would proceed to show that it is best for it to be in the center; and I had made up my mind that |98a| if he made those things clear to me, I would no longer yearn for any other kind of cause. And I had determined that I would find out in the same way about the sun and the moon and the other stars, their relative speed, their revolutions, and their other changes, and why the active or passive condition of each of them is for the best. For I never imagined that, when he said they were ordered by intelligence, he would introduce any other cause for these things than that it it is best for them to be as they are. |98b| So I thought when he assigned the cause of each thing and of all things in common he would go on and explain what is best for each and what is good for all in common. I prized my hopes very highly, and I seized the books very eagerly and read them as fast as I could, that I might know as fast as I could about the best and the worst.
  Phaedo, 97b-98b, c. xlvi. Afterwards Sokrates hears a passage of Anaxagoras, wherein that philosopher declares that mind is the universal cause. His hopes are thereby raised to the highest pitch; a system which takes mind for its principle cannot, he thinks, be otherwise than teleological. Anaxagoras will surely point out that mind must order all things for the best, and he will seek no other cause why each thing is as it is, but that it is best so. He will first inform us of the shape and position of the earth and then explain how that shape and position were the best; and similarly with all other natural phenomena, assigning as the cause the best for each and all. So he read the book with eager anticipation.

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Φαιδων, Part 46.

—ἀλλ᾽ ἀκούσας 1 μέν ποτε ἐκ βιβλίου τινός, ὡς ἔφη, Ἀναξαγόρου |97ξ| ἀναγιγνώσκοντος, καὶ λέγοντος ὡς ἄρα νοῦς ἐστιν ὁ διακοσμῶν τε καὶ πάντων αἴτιος, ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ αἰτίᾳ ἥσθην τε καὶ ἔδοξέ μοι τρόπον τινὰ 2 εὖ ἔχειν τὸ τὸν νοῦν εἶναι πάντων αἴτιον, καὶ ἡγησάμην, εἰ τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει, τόν γε νοῦν κοσμοῦντα πάντα κοσμεῖν 3 καὶ ἕκαστον τιθέναι ταύτῃ ὅπῃ ἂν βέλτιστα ἔχῃ: εἰ οὖν τις βούλοιτο τὴν αἰτίαν εὑρεῖν περὶ ἑκάστου ὅπῃ γίγνεται ἢ ἀπόλλυται ἢ ἔστι, τοῦτο δεῖν περὶ αὐτοῦ εὑρεῖν, ὅπῃ βέλτιστον αὐτῷ ἐστιν ἢ εἶναι ἢ
|97δ| ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν πάσχειν ἢ ποιεῖν: ἐκ δὲ δὴ τοῦ λόγου τούτου οὐδὲν ἄλλο σκοπεῖν προσήκειν ἀνθρώπῳ καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐκείνου 4 καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τὸ ἄριστον καὶ τὸ βέλτιστον. ἀναγκαῖον δὲ εἶναι τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον καὶ τὸ χεῖρον εἰδέναι: τὴν αὐτὴν γὰρ εἶναι ἐπιστήμην περὶ αὐτῶν. ταῦτα δὴ λογιζόμενος ἅσμενος ηὑρηκέναι ᾤμην διδάσκαλον τῆς αἰτίας περὶ τῶν ὄντων κατὰ νοῦν ἐμαυτῷ, 5 τὸν Ἀναξαγόραν, καί μοι φράσειν πρῶτον μὲν πότερον ἡ γῆ πλατεῖά ἐστιν ἢ
|97ε| στρογγύλη, 6 ἐπειδὴ δὲ φράσειεν, ἐπεκδιηγήσεσθαι τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην, λέγοντα τὸ ἄμεινον καὶ ὅτι αὐτὴν ἄμεινον ἦν τοιαύτην εἶναι: καὶ εἰ ἐν μέσῳ 7 φαίη εἶναι αὐτήν, ἐπεκδιηγήσεσθαι ὡς ἄμεινον ἦν αὐτὴν ἐν μέσῳ εἶναι: καὶ εἴ μοι
|98α| ταῦτα ἀποφαίνοι, παρεσκευάσμην ὡς οὐκέτι ποθεσόμενος αἰτίας ἄλλο εἶδος. καὶ δὴ καὶ περὶ ἡλίου οὕτω παρεσκευάσμην ὡσαύτως πευσόμενος, καὶ σελήνης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἄστρων, τάχους τε πέρι πρὸς ἄλληλα καὶ τροπῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων παθημάτων, πῇ ποτε ταῦτ᾽ ἄμεινόν 8 ἐστιν ἕκαστον καὶ ποιεῖν καὶ πάσχειν ἃ πάσχει. οὐ γὰρ ἄν ποτε αὐτὸν ᾤμην, φάσκοντά γε ὑπὸ νοῦ 9 αὐτὰ κεκοσμῆσθαι, ἄλλην τινὰ αὐτοῖς αἰτίαν ἐπενεγκεῖν ἢ ὅτι βέλτιστον αὐτὰ οὕτως ἔχειν
|98β| ἐστὶν ὥσπερ ἔχει: ἑκάστῳ οὖν αὐτῶν ἀποδιδόντα τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ κοινῇ πᾶσι τὸ ἑκάστῳ βέλτιστον ᾤμην καὶ τὸ κοινὸν πᾶσιν ἐπεκδιηγήσεσθαι ἀγαθόν: καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἀπεδόμην πολλοῦ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἀλλὰ πάνυ σπουδῇ λαβὼν τὰς βίβλους ὡς τάχιστα οἷός τ᾽ ἦ ἀνεγίγνωσκον, ἵν᾽ ὡς τάχιστα εἰδείην τὸ βέλτιστον καὶ τὸ χεῖρον.

1 ἀλλ᾽ ἀκούσας: ‘but once when I heard a man reading from a book, as he said, of Anaxagoras.’
2 τρόπον τινὰ: ‘in a certain way,’ but not, as we presently see, in the way of Anaxagoras.
3 πάντα κοσμεῖν: Hermann is probably right in bracketing κοσμεῖν. Translate: ‘if mind orders all things, it places each thing severally as is best,’ i.e. we must not, as Anaxagoras did, assign ἀέρες and αἰθέρες as causes of various phenomena, if we assign νοῦς as the cause of the whole.
4 περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐκείνου: So the best mss. Schanz brackets αὐτοῦ, Z. and St. give αὐτοῦ, omitting ἐκείνου. I think the ms. reading will stand: it refers to the ἑκάστου above; ‘he will seek this cause both for the particular object of his inquiry and for everything else.’
5 κατὰ νοῦν ἐμαυτῷ: As Wyttenbach points out, there is a play on νοῦν: ‘κατὰ νοῦν, secundum mentem, Anaxagorae placitum significat, et vulgo usurpatur, gratum, ex animi nostri sententia.’
6 πλατεῖά ἐστιν ἢ στρογγύλη: For various views on this subject see Aristotle De Caelo II xiii 294a 29. Thales thought the earth floated like a piece of wood; Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, and Demokritos said it was flat. The Pythagoreans held that it was a sphere.
7 εἰ ἐν μέσῳ: Aristotle De Caelo 293a 15. This view was almost universal: the Pythagoreans seem to have been the only exception. They believed the earth to revolve round the central fire.
8 πῇ ποτε ταῦτ᾽ ἄμεινόν: The final cause of the movements of the heavenly bodies is declared in the Timaeus, see especially 39b following.
9 φάσκοντά γε ὑπὸ νοῦ: If an intelligent cause ordered the universe, it is inconceivable that it should not design the best in all things: and this is our proper object of investigation, not the mere physical agencies which immediately produce the phenomena. Plato’s own system is perfectly consistent with this principle: by making the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν {personal good} the ultimate cause he keeps his ontology strictly teleological; and again his teleology is strictly ontological. The cause of each thing is its indwelling idea; this idea is a form of the ἀγαθόν, therefore the ἀγαθόν {the good} is the cause why each thing is as it is. The βέλτιστον {the best, superlative of agathon} is not merely the design of a creative intelligence; it is the very idea which is symbolised in the particular. In the Timaeus Plato teaches that the entire universe is the self-evolution of absolute intelligence, which is the same as absolute good. This is differentiated into finite intelligences, subject, through their limitation, to the conditions of space and time. Sensible perceptions are the finite intellect’s apprehension, within these conditions, of the idea as existing in absolute intelligence. Thus the perception is the idea, as existing under the form of space. Therefore the idea, which is a form of the good, is the cause of the perception’s existence: that is, as was said above, the ἀγαθόν {the Good} is the ultimate αἰτία {cause} of each thing. But only the first-beginnings of this theory are to be found in the Phaedo.

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Phaedo, Part 47.

—“My glorious hope, my friend, was quickly snatched away from me. As I went on with my reading I saw that the man made no use of intelligence, |98c| and did not assign any real causes for the ordering of things, but mentioned as causes air and ether and water and many other absurdities. And it seemed to me it was very much as if one should say that Sokrates does with intelligence whatever he does, and then, in trying to give the causes of the particular thing I do, should say first that I am now sitting here because my body is composed of bones and sinews, and the bones are hard and have joints which divide them and the sinews |98d| can be contracted and relaxed and, with the flesh and the skin which contains them all, are laid about the bones; and so, as the bones are hung loose in their ligaments, the sinews, by relaxing and contracting, make me able to bend my limbs now, and that is the cause of my sitting here with my legs bent. Or as if in the same way he should give voice and air and hearing and countless other things of the sort as causes for our talking with each other, |98e| and should fail to mention the real causes, which are, that the Athenians decided that it was best to condemn me, and therefore I have decided that it was best for me to sit here and that it is right for me to stay and undergo whatever penalty they order. |99a| For, by Dog {by Sirius, the dog star}, I fancy these bones and sinews of mine would have been in Megara or Boeotia long ago, carried thither by an opinion of what was best, if I did not think it was better and nobler to endure any penalty the city may inflict rather than to escape and run away. But it is most absurd to call things of that sort causes. If anyone were to say that I could not have done what I thought proper if I had not bones and sinews and other things that I have, he would be right. But to say that those things are the cause of my doing what I do, |99b| and that I act with intelligence but not from the choice of what is best, would be an extremely careless way of talking. Whoever talks in that way is unable to make a distinction and to see that in reality a cause is one thing, and the thing without which the cause could never be a cause is quite another thing. And so it seems to me that most people, when they give the name of cause to the latter, are groping in the dark, as it were, and are giving it a name that does not belong to it. And so one man makes the earth stay below the heavens by putting a vortex about it, and another regards the earth as a flat trough supported on a foundation of air; but they do not look for |99c| the power which causes things to be now placed as it is best for them to be placed, nor do they think it has any divine force, but they think they can find a new Atlas more powerful and more immortal and more all-embracing than this, and in truth they give no thought to the good, which must embrace and hold together all things. Now I would gladly be the pupil of anyone who would teach me the nature of such a cause; but since that was denied me and I was not able to discover it myself or to learn of it from anyone else, |99d| do you wish me, Kebes,” said he, “to give you an account of the way in which I have conducted my second voyage in quest of the cause?”
—“I wish it with all my heart,” he replied.
  Phaedo, 98b-99d, c. xlvii. Bitter was his disappointment when he found that Anaxagoras did not really use mind as a cause, but accounted for phenomena by the agency of merely physical forces. Exactly similar would be the conduct of one who, after saying that Sokrates acted by intelligence, should maintain that he sat there in prison because he had muscles and sinews and joints which enabled him to do so; instead of assigning the real cause, that he thought it right to submit to the judgment of the Athenian people. So far as his bones and muscles are concerned, he might have been at Megara by this time; only he thought it his duty to remain. To call such things causes is folly; although they may be termed instruments without which the cause would not produce its effect. But just this confusion of cause and instrument is made by those who suppose a vortex or some other physical force is what keeps the earth in the centre, instead of the true cause, that it is best for it to be there. About this supreme cause, the good, Sokrates would gladly have learnt, could he have found a teacher: as it is he was obliged to content himself with the second best method.

Φαιδων, Part 47.

—ἀπὸ δὴ θαυμαστῆς ἐλπίδος, 1 ὦ ἑταῖρε, ᾠχόμην φερόμενος, ἐπειδὴ προϊὼν καὶ ἀναγιγνώσκων ὁρῶ ἄνδρα τῷ μὲν νῷ οὐδὲν χρώμενον οὐδέ τινας αἰτίας ἐπαιτιώμενον 2 εἰς τὸ |98ξ| διακοσμεῖν τὰ πράγματα, ἀέρας δὲ καὶ αἰθέρας καὶ ὕδατα αἰτιώμενον καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ καὶ ἄτοπα. καί μοι ἔδοξεν ὁμοιότατον πεπονθέναι ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις λέγων ὅτι Σωκράτης πάντα ὅσα πράττει νῷ πράττει, κἄπειτα ἐπιχειρήσας λέγειν τὰς αἰτίας ἑκάστων ὧν πράττω, λέγοι πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι διὰ ταῦτα νῦν ἐνθάδε κάθημαι, ὅτι σύγκειταί μου τὸ σῶμα ἐξ ὀστῶν καὶ νεύρων, καὶ τὰ μὲν ὀστᾶ ἐστιν στερεὰ καὶ διαφυὰς ἔχει χωρὶς ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων, 3 τὰ δὲ νεῦρα 4 οἷα ἐπιτείνεσθαι
|98δ| καὶ ἀνίεσθαι, περιαμπέχοντα τὰ ὀστᾶ μετὰ τῶν σαρκῶν καὶ δέρματος ὃ συνέχει αὐτά: αἰωρουμένων οὖν τῶν ὀστῶν ἐν ταῖς αὑτῶν συμβολαῖς χαλῶντα καὶ συντείνοντα τὰ νεῦρα κάμπτεσθαί που ποιεῖ οἷόν τ᾽ εἶναι ἐμὲ νῦν τὰ μέλη, καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν συγκαμφθεὶς ἐνθάδε κάθημαι: καὶ αὖ περὶ τοῦ διαλέγεσθαι ὑμῖν ἑτέρας τοιαύτας αἰτίας λέγοι, φωνάς τε καὶ ἀέρας καὶ ἀκοὰς καὶ ἄλλα μυρία |98ε| τοιαῦτα αἰτιώμενος, ἀμελήσας τὰς ὡς ἀληθῶς αἰτίας λέγειν, ὅτι, ἐπειδὴ Ἀθηναίοις ἔδοξε βέλτιον εἶναι ἐμοῦ καταψηφίσασθαι, διὰ ταῦτα δὴ καὶ ἐμοὶ βέλτιον αὖ δέδοκται ἐνθάδε καθῆσθαι, καὶ δικαιότερον παραμένοντα ὑπέχειν τὴν δίκην ἣν ἂν κελεύσωσιν: 5 ἐπεὶ νὴ τὸν κύνα, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, πάλαι ἂν |99α| ταῦτα 6 τὰ νεῦρα καὶ τὰ ὀστᾶ ἢ περὶ Μέγαρα ἢ Βοιωτοὺς ἦν, ὑπὸ δόξης φερόμενα 7 τοῦ βελτίστου, εἰ μὴ δικαιότερον ᾤμην καὶ κάλλιον εἶναι πρὸ τοῦ φεύγειν τε καὶ ἀποδιδράσκειν ὑπέχειν τῇ πόλει δίκην ἥντιν᾽ ἂν τάττῃ.
—ἀλλ᾽ αἴτια μὲν τὰ τοιαῦτα 8 καλεῖν λίαν ἄτοπον: εἰ δέ τις λέγοι ὅτι ἄνευ τοῦ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἔχειν καὶ ὀστᾶ καὶ νεῦρα καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔχω οὐκ ἂν οἷός τ᾽ ἦ ποιεῖν τὰ δόξαντά μοι, ἀληθῆ ἂν λέγοι: ὡς μέντοι διὰ ταῦτα ποιῶ ἃ ποιῶ, καὶ ταῦτα νῷ πράττων, 9 ἀλλ᾽ οὐ |99β| τῇ τοῦ βελτίστου αἱρέσει, πολλὴ ἂν καὶ μακρὰ ῥᾳθυμία εἴη τοῦ λόγου.
—τὸ γὰρ μὴ διελέσθαι 10 οἷόν τ᾽ εἶναι ὅτι ἄλλο μέν τί ἐστι τὸ αἴτιον τῷ ὄντι, ἄλλο δὲ ἐκεῖνο ἄνευ οὗ τὸ αἴτιον οὐκ ἄν ποτ᾽ εἴη αἴτιον: ὃ δή μοι φαίνονται 11 ψηλαφῶντες οἱ πολλοὶ ὥσπερ ἐν σκότει, ἀλλοτρίῳ ὀνόματι προσχρώμενοι, ὡς αἴτιον αὐτὸ προσαγορεύειν. διὸ δὴ καὶ ὁ μέν τις δίνην 12 περιτιθεὶς τῇ γῇ ὑπὸ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ 13 μένειν δὴ ποιεῖ τὴν γῆν, ὁ δὲ ὥσπερ καρδόπῳ 14 πλατείᾳ βάθρον τὸν ἀέρα ὑπερείδει:
|99ξ| τὴν δὲ τοῦ ὡς οἷόν τε βέλτιστα 15 αὐτὰ τεθῆναι δύναμιν οὕτω νῦν κεῖσθαι, ταύτην οὔτε ζητοῦσιν οὔτε τινὰ οἴονται δαιμονίαν ἰσχὺν ἔχειν, ἀλλὰ ἡγοῦνται τούτου 16 Ἄτλαντα ἄν ποτε ἰσχυρότερον καὶ ἀθανατώτερον καὶ μᾶλλον ἅπαντα συνέχοντα ἐξευρεῖν, καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς τὸ ἀγαθὸν καὶ δέον 17 συνδεῖν καὶ συνέχειν οὐδὲν οἴονται.
—ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν τῆς τοιαύτης αἰτίας ὅπῃ ποτὲ ἔχει μαθητὴς ὁτουοῦν ἥδιστ᾽ ἂν γενοίμην: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ταύτης ἐστερήθην 18 καὶ οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς εὑρεῖν οὔτε παρ᾽ ἄλλου μαθεῖν οἷός τε ἐγενόμην, τὸν δεύτερον |99δ| πλοῦν 19 ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς αἰτίας ζήτησιν ᾗ πεπραγμάτευμαι βούλει σοι, ἔφη, ἐπίδειξιν ποιήσωμαι, ὦ Κέβης;
—ὑπερφυῶς μὲν οὖν, ἔφη, ὡς βούλομαι.

1 ἀπὸ δὴ θαυμαστῆς ἐλπίδος: ‘from what a height of hope was I hurled down, when I went on with my reading and saw a man that made no use of mind.’ Heindorf takes ἄνδρα = τὸν ἄνδρα: but the above rendering seems preferable. The metaphor in ᾠχόμην φερόμενος is surely falling from a height; not, as Wagner has it, ’starting from great hope, I was sailing along’: a most feeble saying. The same charge is brought against Anaxagoras by Aristotle, Metaphysics I iv 985a 18. Ἀναξαγόρας τε γὰρ μηχανῇ χρῆται τῷ νῷ πρὸς τὴν κοσμοποιίαν, καὶ ὅταν ἀπορήσῃ διὰ τίν’ αἰτίαν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐστί, τότε παρέλκει αὐτόν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πάντα μᾶλλον αἰτιᾶται τῶν γιγνομένων ἢ νοῦν: compare Laws 967 b, c. Schanz brackets καὶ before ἀναγιγνώσκων, but this causes a harsh collision between the two participles.
2 οὐδέ τινας αἰτίας ἐπαιτιώμενον: I concur with Mr. Jackson in regarding these words as an unmeaning interpolation. The sole complaint Plato has against Anaxagoras is that he made no use of νοῦς: what then are these αἰτίαι that he ought to have introduced? We cannot understand it as explanatory of τῷ μὲν νῷ οὐδὲν χρώμενον, ‘making no use of mind, that is alleging no real (primary) causes,’ (1) because the distinction between primary and secondary causes has not yet been made, so that a reference to it would be unintelligible, (2) the plural is fatal to such a rendering; there is but one real cause, that is νοῦς. Dr. Jackson now proposes to bracket also the words εἰς τὸ διακοσμεῖν τὰ πράγματα. which are twice omitted by Proklos in citing this passage—in Timaeum 1c, and in Parmenidem p. 481 Stallbaum.
3 διαφυὰς ἔχει χωρὶς ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων: ‘joints to separate them one from another,’ and so render the limbs flexible. διαφυὴ and ἄρθρον regard the joints from opposite points of view; the former as breaking the continuity of the bones, the latter as knitting the frame together.
4 νεῦρα: here, as always in Plato, mean sinews or muscles, not nerves. Of the nerves he had no knowledge. Cf. Timaeus 74d.
5 ἣν ἂν κελεύσωσιν:: Hirschig most unnecessarily brackets these words. It is true there is now no doubt what the sentence is; but Sokrates expresses in general terms that he deems it best to submit to whatever may be the judgment of the Athenians: compare ἥντιν᾽ ἂν τάττῃ below.
6 πάλαι ἂν |99α| ταῦτα: The bones and muscles cannot be the cause; for they would have acted in a precisely opposite way had a different δόξα τοῦ βελτίστου prompted them.
7 ὑπὸ δόξης φερόμενα Prof. Geddes justly remarks that it is δόξα not ἐπιστήμη τοῦ βελτίστου that could urge Sokrates to escape.
8 ἀλλ᾽ αἴτια μὲν τὰ τοιαῦτα: Cf. Timaeus 46c-d ταῦτ’ οὖν πάντα ἔστιν τῶν συναιτίων οἷς θεὸς ὑπηρετοῦσιν χρῆται τὴν τοῦ ἀρίστου κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν ἰδέαν ἀποτελῶν: δοξάζεται δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν πλείστων οὐ συναίτια ἀλλὰ αἴτια εἶναι τῶν πάντων, ψύχοντα καὶ θερμαίνοντα πηγνύντα τε καὶ διαχέοντα καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα ἀπεργαζόμενα. λόγον δὲ οὐδένα οὐδὲ νοῦν εἰς οὐδὲν δυνατὰ ἔχειν ἐστί. Presently he distinguishes these two classes as πρώται and δευτέραι αἰτίαι. In 46e-47a he says τὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν ὀμμάτων συμμεταίτια πρὸς τὸ σχεῖν τὴν δύναμιν ἣν νῦν εἴληχεν εἰρήσθω: τὸ δὲ μέγιστον αὐτῶν εἰς ὠφελίαν ἔργον, δι’ ὃ θεὸς αὔθ’ ἡμῖν δεδώρηται, μετὰ τοῦτο λεκτέον.
9 καὶ ταῦτα νῷ πράττων: So Schanz after Heindorf. The mss. have πράττω, which may be thus rendered: ‘to say that it is because of these that I do what I do, and at the same time that I do it by intelligence, is an extremely slovenly mode of speaking’: i.e. to assert simultaneously that Sokrates acts thus because of these subsidiary causes and also through intelligence, is a very confused statement. But though the ms. reading can be defended, I think it probable that Heindorf’s neat and simple emendation restores what Plato wrote. Z. and St. have ταῦτῃ νῷ πράττω.
10 τὸ γὰρ μὴ διελέσθαι: The construction is either an anacoluthon or an indignant aposiopesis. Cf. Symposium 177c τὸ οὖν τοιούτων μὲν πέρι πολλὴν σπουδὴν ποιήσασθαι, Ἔρωτα δὲ μηδένα πω ἀνθρώπων τετολμηκέναι εἰς ταυτηνὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀξίως ὑμνῆσαι, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως ἠμέληται τοσοῦτος θεός; Similarly Xenophon Memorabilia I iv 12, iv iii 5. Wyttenbach suggests τὸ δ’ ἄῤ ἧν μὴ διελέσθαι, which is neat: but no change is needed.
11 ὃ δή μοι φαίνονται: ‘this is what they seem to me to be handling blindly, as if in the dark.’ ὃ = τὸ ξυναίτιον. ἀλλοτρίῳ ὀνόματι, they call it by a name which does not belong to it, i.e. αἴτιον. The reading ὄμματι is quite out of place.
12 ὁ μέν τις δίνην: Empedokles conceived the earth to be kept in its place by the rapid rotation of the universe, as, when a cup of water is whirled swiftly round, the water is retained in the cup; so Aristotle explains, De Caelo II xiii 295 a 16, οἱ δ’ ὥσπερ Ἐμπεδοκλῆς, τὴν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φορὰν κύκλῳ περιθέουσαν καὶ θᾶττον φερομένην ἢ τὴν τῆς γῆς φορὰν κωλύειν, καθάπερ τὸ ἐν τοῖς κυάθοις ὕδωρ· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο κύκλῳ τοῦ κυάθου φερομένου πολλάκις κάτω τοῦ χαλκοῦ γινόμενον ὅμως οὐ φέρεται κάτω, πεφυκὸς φέρεσθαι, διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν. Anaxagoras too supposed a περιχώρησις, in order to effect the separation of the ὁμοιομερῆ; but he did not utilise it to steady the earth.
13 ὑπὸ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ: should be connected with μένειν.
14 ὁ δὲ ὥσπερ καρδόπῳ: ‘another sets the air as a basis of support beneath the earth, which is like a flat kneading-trough.’ This view is attributed by Aristotle to Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, and Demokritos; cf. De Caelo 11 xiii 294b 13. Ἀναξιμένης δὲ καὶ Ἀναξαγόρας καὶ Δημόκριτος τὸ πλάτος αἴτιον εἶναί φασι τοῦ μένειν αὐτήν. Οὐ γὰρ τέμνειν ἀλλ’ ἐπιπωμάζειν τὸν ἀέρα τὸν κάτωθεν, ὅπερ φαίνεται τὰ πλάτος ἔχοντα τῶν σωμάτων ποιεῖν. That is to say, the earth does not sink in the ocean of air, but rests upon the surface like a lid.
15 τὴν δὲ τοῦ ὡς οἷόν τε βέλτιστα: As Heindorf says, the words must be construed τὴν δὲ δύναμιν τοῦ οὕτως νῦν αὐτὰ κεῖσθαι ὡς οἷόν τε βέλτιστα τεθῆναι. The distinction between τεθῆναι and νῦν κεῖσθαι should be noticed: ‘as it was best for them to be placed by mind, so they are now situate.’
16 τούτου: i.e. τοῦ ὡς οἷόν τε βέλτιστα κεῖσθαι. They think that in their purely physical theories they can find an Atlas, i.e. a system to explain the universe, more potent than the final cause which Sokrates postulates.
17 τὸ ἀγαθὸν καὶ δέον: ‘the good and the binding.’ There is a play on the double sense of δέον: cf. Cratylus 418e ἀγαθοῦ γὰρ ἰδέα οὖσα τὸ δέον φαίνεται δεσμὸς εἶναι καὶ κώλυμα φορᾶς. All this critique of Anaxagoras is a propaedeutic to the ideal theory. The main fault of Anaxagoras is that ‘the good’ is not the ultimate cause in his system. Plato supplies his defects (in the Republic first and still more in the later dialogues) (1) by making τὸ ἀγαθὸν the principle of all existence, so that each thing really exists in proportion as it is perfect; (2) in that νοῦς, instead of being a merely external motive power, is actually the universe: causation is ultimately identity.
18 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ταύτης ἐστερήθην: Sokrates here expressly confesses that he has not succeeded in tracing the genesis of the universe to the idea of the good: and it is most important to bear in mind that what follows is only a description of the δεύτερος πλοῦς. In the Republic Plato is bolder and sets forth under a similitude the relation between the ἀγαθὸν and the ideal and material worlds; but not until the Philebus and especially his crowning achievement, the Timaeus, does he attempt fully to expound the supremacy of the αὐτὸ ἀγαθὸν {personal good}.
19 τὸν δεύτερον πλοῦν: i.e. the next best course. The origin of this proverb is shown by a passage of Menander which Wagner quotes: ὁ δεύτερος πλοῦς ἐστὶ δήπου λεγόμενος ἂν ἀποτύχῃ τις πρῶτον έν κώπαισι πλεῖν. Heindorf quotes Eustathius: δεύτερος πλοῦς λέγεται, ὅτε ἀποτυχών τις οὐρίου κώπαις πλέῃ κατὰ Παυσανίαν. Plato uses it again, Politicus 300c, Philebus 19c. Compare Aristotle Nicomachean Ethics II ix 4 ἐπεὶ οὖν τοῦ μέσου τυχεῖν ἄκρως χαλεπόν, κατὰ τὸν δεύτερον, φασί, πλοῦν τὰ ἐλάχιστα ληπτέον τῶν κακῶν. Also Politics III viii 6 (Susemihl) 1284b 19.

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Phaedo, Part 48.

—“After this, then,” said he, “since I had given up investigating realities, I decided that I must be careful not to suffer the misfortune which happens to people who look at the sun and watch it during an eclipse. For some of them ruin their eyes unless they look at its image in water |99e| or something of the sort. I thought of that danger, and I was afraid my soul would be blinded if I looked at things with my eyes and tried to grasp them with any of my senses. So I thought I must have recourse to conceptions and examine in them the truth of realities. Now perhaps my metaphor |100a| is not quite accurate; for I do not grant in the least that he who studies realities by means of conceptions is looking at them in images any more than he who studies them in the facts of daily life. However, that is the way I began. I assume in each case some principle which I consider strongest, and whatever seems to me to agree with this, whether relating to cause or to anything else, I regard as true, and whatever disagrees with it, as untrue. But I want to tell you more clearly what I mean; for I think you do not understand now.”
—“Not very well, certainly,” said Kebes.
  Phaedo, 99d-100a, c. xlviii. Since then, continues Sokrates, I have been forced to abandon the search for the true cause, and fearing lest, as those who rashly take observations by gazing on the sun himself, instead of his reflection in the water, are bereft of their bodily vision, my soul should be blinded in the endeavour to behold truth herself, I bethought me of contemplating her image, by which I mean definitions or notions. And yet this comparison is scarcely fair: for he that investigates truth in notions certainly does not see her in a similitude more than he who observes sensible objects. Anyhow this was the course I took: assuming the best definition I could form, I regard whatever agrees with that as true, and whatever does not I reject as false. I will presently explain my method more clearly.
—From the foregoing analysis it will be seen that the interpretation here given of this extremely difficult passage differs widely from that of other editors. A full discussion of the problems presented in this chapter would occupy too much space for a note: they are accordingly dealt with in Appendix II.

Φαιδων, Part 48.

—ἔδοξε τοίνυν μοι, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, μετὰ ταῦτα, ἐπειδὴ ἀπειρήκη τὰ ὄντα 1 σκοπῶν, δεῖν εὐλαβηθῆναι μὴ πάθοιμι ὅπερ οἱ τὸν ἥλιον ἐκλείποντα θεωροῦντες καὶ σκοπούμενοι πάσχουσιν: διαφθείρονται γάρ που ἔνιοι τὰ ὄμματα, ἐὰν μὴ ἐν ὕδατι ἤ |99ε| τινι τοιούτῳ σκοπῶνται τὴν εἰκόνα αὐτοῦ. 2 τοιοῦτόν τι καὶ ἐγὼ διενοήθην, καὶ ἔδεισα μὴ παντάπασι τὴν ψυχὴν τυφλωθείην 3 βλέπων πρὸς τὰ πράγματα 4 τοῖς ὄμμασι καὶ ἑκάστῃ τῶν αἰσθήσεων ἐπιχειρῶν ἅπτεσθαι αὐτῶν.
—ἔδοξε δή μοι χρῆναι εἰς τοὺς λόγους 5 καταφυγόντα ἐν ἐκείνοις σκοπεῖν τῶν ὄντων τὴν ἀλήθειαν. ἴσως μὲν οὖν 6 ᾧ εἰκάζω τρόπον |100α| τινὰ οὐκ ἔοικεν: οὐ γὰρ πάνυ συγχωρῶ τὸν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις σκοπούμενον τὰ ὄντα ἐν εἰκόσι μᾶλλον σκοπεῖν ἢ τὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις. 7 ἀλλ᾽ οὖν δὴ 8 ταύτῃ γε ὥρμησα, καὶ ὑποθέμενος ἑκάστοτε λόγον ὃν ἂν κρίνω ἐρρωμενέστατον εἶναι, ἃ μὲν ἄν μοι δοκῇ τούτῳ συμφωνεῖν τίθημι ὡς ἀληθῆ ὄντα, καὶ περὶ αἰτίας καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ὄντων, ἃ δ᾽ ἂν μή, ὡς οὐκ ἀληθῆ. βούλομαι δέ σοι σαφέστερον εἰπεῖν ἃ λέγω: οἶμαι γάρ σε νῦν οὐ μανθάνειν.
—οὐ μὰ τὸν Δία, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, οὐ σφόδρα.

1 τὰ ὄντα: ‘realities’; i.e. from Plato’s point of view the true causes, τἀγαθὸν καὶ δέον.
2 τὴν εἰκόνα αὐτοῦ: Cf. Republic 516a.
3 τὴν ψυχὴν τυφλωθείην: Compare the metaphor in Republic 527d-e τὸ δ᾽ ἔστιν οὐ πάνυ φαῦλον ἀλλὰ χαλεπὸν πιστεῦσαι ὅτι ἐν τούτοις τοῖς μαθήμασιν ἑκάστου ὄργανόν τι ψυχῆς ἐκκαθαίρεταί τε καὶ ἀναζωπυρεῖται ἀπολλύμενον καὶ τυφλούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδευμάτων, κρεῖττον ὂν σωθῆναι μυρίων ὀμμάτων: μόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἀλήθεια ὁρᾶται.
4 πρὸς τὰ πράγματα: I formerly understood this to mean the ideas themselves. Cf. Phaedo 66d αὐτῇ τῇ ψυχῇ θεατέον αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα. But I am now convinced that it is possible to make πράγματα signify particulars, and thus to avoid the harshness of taking ἑκάστῃ τῶν αἰσθήσεων as a metaphorical expression for ‘all the powers of the soul’: see the discussion of this clause in Appendix II.
5 εἰς τοὺς λόγους: The meaning of this can be fully understood only after a very careful study of Republic 506–518. Briefly, however, it is this. The Sokratic method of definition was, by comparison of a number of particulars which we designate by the same name, to ascertain what attributes were merely accidental in various particulars, and what were essential to the class: thus in defining a horse we must distinguish between those qualities which some horses possess and others do not, and those without which the animal would not be a horse. The definition thus formed is the λόγος, the concept or general notion. Now in the earlier stage of the ideal theory, wherever there is such a λόγος, there is also an idea, corresponding to every group of particulars called by the same name (Republic 596a). The principal difference between the λόγος and the ἰδέα is (1) the λόγος is a mental concept, having no existence but in our thought; the ἰδέα is a self-existing essence, independent of our thought: (2) the λόγος includes all that we can discover about the class by observation; the Idea includes all that there is to be known about it. Therefore from the Platonic point of view the λόγος is our conception of the ἰδέα, the reflection of it in our mind; which reflection only imperfectly represents it, inasmuch as it is derived from an imperfect apprehension of particulars, which themselves are only imperfect likenesses of the idea. In this sense it is that Plato regards the λόγος as εἰκὼν τοῦ ὄντος. This matter has been admirably cleared up by Dr. Jackson, Journal of Philology vol. x p. 132 following. See Introduction § 5. There is an interesting use of λόγος in Laws 895d, where the Athenian says ἆρ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἐθέλοις περὶ ἕκαστον τρία νοεῖν;…ἓν μὲν τὴν οὐσίαν, ἓν δὲ τῆς οὐσίας τὸν λόγον, ἓν δὲ ὄνομα. The approximation of οὐσία to the Aristotelian sense is also notable.
6 ἴσως μὲν οὖν: Sokrates stops to guard himself against conceding too much. The λόγοι are indeed only εἰκόνες, but so also are the sensible particulars; and the latter are the less trustworthy. He then who seeks truth ἐν τοῖς λόγοις is does not deal with images any more than the physicist who investigates natural phenomena. For ᾧ BCDE give ὡς, which perhaps should be retained.
7 τὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις: ἔργα here = the particulars. The word is used because of the familiar antithesis with λόγοις: not, I think, with a view of denoting the particulars as works or products of the ideas whence they derive their existence.
8 ἀλλ᾽ οὖν δὴ: ‘however that may be.’ Sokrates does not propose here to debate the issue raised in the preceding sentence. ὑποθέμενος: The method is more fully explained in the next chapter. For example, Sokrates by examining a number of instances of δίκαιον forms his ὑπόθεσις as to the nature of δικαιοσύνην. This ὑπόθεσις is his conception of the αὐτὸ δίκαιον. Then he compares with this ὑπόθεσις particular δίκαιον, or whatever professes to be such, and admits or rejects each in so far as it agrees or disagrees with the ὑπόθεσις.

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Phaedo, Part 49.

|100b| “Well,” said Sokrates, “this is what I mean. It is nothing new, but the same thing I have always been saying, both in our previous conversation and elsewhere. I am going to try to explain to you the nature of that cause which I have been studying, and I will revert to those familiar subjects of ours as my point of departure and assume that there are such things as absolute beauty and good and greatness and the like. If you grant this and agree that these exist, I believe I shall explain cause to you and shall prove that |100c| the soul is immortal.”
—“You may assume,” said Kebes, “that I grant it, and go on.”
—“Then,” said he, “see if you agree with me in the next step. I think that if anything is beautiful besides absolute beauty it is beautiful for no other reason than because it partakes of absolute beauty; and this applies to everything. Do you assent to this view of cause?”
—“I do,” said he.
—“Now I do not yet, understand,” he went on, “nor can I perceive those other ingenious causes. If anyone tells me that what makes a thing beautiful is its lovely color, |100d| or its shape or anything else of the sort, I let all that go, for all those things confuse me, and I hold simply and plainly and perhaps foolishly to this, that nothing else makes it beautiful but the presence or communion (call it which you please) of absolute beauty, however it may have been gained; about the way in which it happens, I make no positive statement as yet, but I do insist that beautiful things are made beautiful by beauty. For I think this is the safest answer I can give to myself or to others, and if I cleave fast to this, |100e| I think I shall never be overthrown, and I believe it is safe for me or anyone else to give this answer, that beautiful things are beautiful through beauty. Do you agree?”
—“I do.”
—“And great things are great and greater things greater by greatness, and smaller things smaller by smallness?”
—“Yes.”
—“And you would not accept the statement, if you were told that one man was greater or smaller than another by a head, |101a| but you would insist that you say only that every greater thing is greater than another by nothing else than greatness, and that it is greater by reason of greatness, and that which is smaller is smaller by nothing else than smallness and is smaller by reason of smallness. For you would, I think, be afraid of meeting with the retort, if you said that a man was greater or smaller than another by a head, first that the greater is greater and the smaller is smaller by the same thing, and secondly, that |101b| the greater man is greater by a head, which is small, and that it is a monstrous thing that one is great by something that is small. Would you not be afraid of this?”
—And Kebes laughed and said, “Yes, I should.”
—“Then,” he continued, “you would be afraid to say that ten is more than eight by two and that this is the reason it is more. You would say it is more by number and by reason of number; and a two cubit measure is greater than a one-cubit measure not by half but by magnitude, would you not? For you would have the same fear.”
—“Certainly,” said he.
—“Well, then, if one is added to one |101c| or if one is divided, you would avoid saying that the addition or the division is the cause of two? You would exclaim loudly that you know no other way by which any thing can come into existence than by participating in the proper essence of each thing in which it participates, and therefore you accept no other cause of the existence of two than participation in duality, and things which are to be two must participate in duality, and whatever is to be one must participate in unity, and you would pay no attention to the divisions and additions and other such subtleties, leaving those for wiser men to explain. You would distrust |101d| your inexperience and would be afraid, as the saying goes, of your own shadow; so you would cling to that safe principle of ours and would reply as I have said. And if anyone attacked the principle, you would pay him no attention and you would not reply to him until you had examined the consequences to see whether they agreed with one another or not; and when you had to give an explanation of the principle, you would give it in the same way by assuming some other principle which seemed to you the best of the higher ones, and so on until |101e| you reached one which was adequate. You would not mix things up, as disputants do, in talking about the beginning and its consequences, if you wished to discover any of the realities; for perhaps not one of them thinks or cares in the least about these things. They are so clever that they succeed in being well pleased with themselves even when they mix everything up; |102a| but if you are a philosopher, I think you will do as I have said.”
—“That is true,” said Simmias and Kebes together.
Echecrates: By Zeus, Phaedo, they were right. It seems to me that he made those matters astonishingly clear, to anyone with even a little sense.
Phaedo: Certainly, Echecrates, and all who were there thought so, too.
Echecrates: And so do we who were not there, and are hearing about it now. But what was said after that?
  Phaedo, 100b–102a, c. xlix. My method is nothing new, he proceeds: it starts from the ideal theory which is familiar to us; and by means of this theory I hope to prove the soul’s immortality. Starting from the assumption that there are ideas of beautiful and just and great etc., I simply affirm that all particulars possessing these qualities possess them through the idea, whether by participation, presence, or communion, or however you may define the connexion. All other causes are beyond my comprehension; I cling simply to my safe reply, that the idea of the beautiful is the cause of beauty. If you accept this, you will never consent to say that one man is greater or less than another by a head, but by greatness or smallness; nor that ten are more than eight by two, but by multitude. Similarly when one is added to one, or divided, the cause why the two are two is not addition or division, but the idea of duality: all other causes you would leave to wiser heads than yours. Again if you were forced to give an account of your hypothesis, you would proceed to a higher generalisation, and again to another; ascending till you reached one that was adequate: and you would beware of falling into the confusions of thought, of which sham philosophers are guilty. Here Echekrates interrupts to express his admiration of Sokrates’ clear exposition.
  The upshot of this chapter is that universals alone can be known. For the present, however, these universals are in the form of λόγοι or ὑπόθεσις which are not objects of νοῦς proper. When dialectic is made perfect λόγοι will be exchanged for ἰδέαι, ὑπόθεσις for ἀρχαί.

Φαιδων, Part 49.

|100β| ἀλλ᾽, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὧδε λέγω, οὐδὲν καινόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἅπερ ἀεί τε ἄλλοτε καὶ ἐν τῷ παρεληλυθότι λόγῳ οὐδὲν πέπαυμαι λέγων. ἔρχομαι γὰρ δὴ ἐπιχειρῶν 1 σοι ἐπιδείξασθαι τῆς αἰτίας τὸ εἶδος ὃ πεπραγμάτευμαι, καὶ εἶμι πάλιν ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνα τὰ πολυθρύλητα καὶ ἄρχομαι ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων, ὑποθέμενος εἶναί τι καλὸν αὐτὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸ καὶ ἀγαθὸν καὶ μέγα καὶ τἆλλα πάντα: ἃ εἴ μοι δίδως τε καὶ συγχωρεῖς εἶναι ταῦτα, ἐλπίζω σοι ἐκ τούτων τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπιδείξειν καὶ ἀνευρήσειν ὡς ἀθάνατον ἡ ψυχή.
|100ξ| ἀλλὰ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, ὡς διδόντος σοι οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις 2 περαίνων.
—σκόπει δή, ἔφη, τὰ ἑξῆς ἐκείνοις ἐάν σοι συνδοκῇ ὥσπερ ἐμοί. φαίνεται γάρ μοι, εἴ τί ἐστιν ἄλλο καλὸν πλὴν αὐτὸ τὸ καλόν, οὐδὲ δι᾽ ἓν ἄλλο καλὸν εἶναι ἢ διότι μετέχει ἐκείνου τοῦ καλοῦ: καὶ πάντα δὴ οὕτως λέγω. τῇ τοιᾷδε αἰτίᾳ συγχωρεῖς;
—συγχωρῶ, ἔφη.
—οὐ τοίνυν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἔτι μανθάνω οὐδὲ δύναμαι τὰς ἄλλας αἰτίας τὰς σοφὰς ταύτας 3 γιγνώσκειν: ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν τίς μοι λέγῃ |100δ| δι᾽ ὅτι καλόν ἐστιν ὁτιοῦν, ἢ χρῶμα εὐανθὲς ἔχον ἢ σχῆμα ἢ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν τῶν τοιούτων, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χαίρειν ἐῶ,—ταράττομαι γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις πᾶσι—τοῦτο δὲ ἁπλῶς καὶ ἀτέχνως καὶ ἴσως εὐήθως ἔχω παρ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ, ὅτι οὐκ ἄλλο τι ποιεῖ 4 αὐτὸ καλὸν ἢ ἡ ἐκείνου τοῦ καλοῦ εἴτε παρουσία εἴτε κοινωνία εἴτε ὅπῃ δὴ καὶ ὅπως 5 προσγενομένη: 6 οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τοῦτο 7 διισχυρίζομαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τῷ καλῷ πάντα τὰ καλὰ γίγνεται καλά. τοῦτο γάρ μοι δοκεῖ ἀσφαλέστατον εἶναι καὶ ἐμαυτῷ ἀποκρίνασθαι καὶ ἄλλῳ, καὶ τούτου ἐχόμενος |100ε| ἡγοῦμαι οὐκ ἄν ποτε πεσεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ ὁτῳοῦν ἄλλῳ ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι τῷ καλῷ τὰ καλὰ γίγνεται καλά: ἢ οὐ καὶ σοὶ δοκεῖ;
—δοκεῖ.
—καὶ μεγέθει ἄρα 8 τὰ μεγάλα μεγάλα καὶ τὰ μείζω μείζω, καὶ σμικρότητι τὰ ἐλάττω ἐλάττω;
—ναί.
—οὐδὲ σὺ ἄρ᾽ ἂν ἀποδέχοιο εἴ τίς τινα φαίη ἕτερον ἑτέρου τῇ κεφαλῇ 9 μείζω εἶναι, καὶ τὸν ἐλάττω τῷ αὐτῷ τούτῳ

1 ἔρχομαι γὰρ δὴ ἐπιχειρῶν As Heindorf observes ἐπιχειρῶν ἐπιδείξασθαι has virtually a future force, whence it takes the place of ἐπιδείξόμενος, which would be the ordinary construction. Cf. Theaetetus 180c ὅπερ ᾖα ἐρῶν: a phrase which occurs in Republic 449a, 562c.
2 οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις: ‘you cannot be too quick in proceeding to the end.’ This is not an uncommon formula. Cf. Symposium 185e, Euripides Iphigenia in Tauris 245, Xenophon Memorabilia II iii 11.
3 τὰς σοφὰς ταύτας: i.e. the causes of the physicists.
4 ὅτι οὐκ ἄλλο τι ποιεῖ: This is the passage referred to by Aristotle De Generatione et Corruptione II ix 335b 9 ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν ἱκανὴν ᾠήθησαν αἰτίαν εἶναι πρὸς τὸ γίνεσθαι τὴν τῶν εἰδῶν φύσιν, ὥσπερ ὁ ἐν Φαίδωνι Σωκράτης· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος, ἐπιτιμήσας τοῖς ἄλλοις ὡς οὐδὲν εἰρηκόσιν, ὑποτίθεται ὅτι ἐστὶ τῶν ὄντων τὰ μὲν εἴδη τὰ δὲ μεθεκτικὰ τῶν εἰδῶν, καὶ ὅτι εἶναι μὲν ἕκαστον λέγεται κατὰ τὸ εἶδος, γίνεσθαι δὲ κατὰ τὴν μετάληψιν καὶ φθείρεσθαι κατὰ τὴν ἀποβολήν, ὥστ’ εἰ ταῦτα ἀληθῆ, τὰ εἴδη οἴεται ἐξ ἀνάγκης αἴτια εἶναι καὶ γενέσεως καὶ φθορᾶς. Another reference is in Metaphysics I ix 991b 3.
5 εἴτε ὅπῃ δὴ καὶ ὅπως προσγενομένη: The ms. reading προσγενομένη has given much trouble to the editors. Wyttenbach proposes προσαγορενομένη which, though accepted by the Zurich editors, is hardly satisfactory. Schanz and other recent editors bracket εἴτε, which is precisely the word I should most wish to keep. For surely Plato is suggesting some alternative to παρουσία and κοινωνία, not merely some mode of their existence: moreover προσγενομένη is not properly applied to those two nouns. On the whole Ueberweg’s προσγενομένου seems the best remedy; though I formerly adopted Dr. Jackson’s suggestion to omit the participle altogether. He remarks that προσγίγεσθαι is a familiar word as applied to the connexion of ideas and phenomena; cf. Hippias maior 289d, 292d, Parmenides 153e, and is especially common in later writers; it might therefore be supposed to be a marginal note upon ὅπῃ καὶ ὅπως. Certainly, had Plato written προσγενομένου, here seems no obvious reason for its corruption into -η. A very similar use of ὅπῃ καὶ ὅπως is found in Laws 899b θεοὺς αὐτὰς εἶναι φήσομεν, εἴτε ἐν σώμασιν ἐνοῦσαι, ζῷα ὄντα, κοσμοῦσιν πάντα οὐρανόν, εἴτε ὅπῃ τε καὶ ὅπως. I should add that Olympiodoros in quoting this passage omits προσγενομένη.
6 οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τοῦτο: ‘for I do not proceed to insist upon that point.’ i.e. all he insists upon is that the idea is the cause; he does not specify the mode of its operation. This phrase is an indication that Plato at this period did not entertain a view of the relation between ideas and particulars definitely distinct from that expounded in his later writings; but that he had not as yet applied himself to working out the question. In the later dialogues he does not so much alter his view as define it; the definition, however, necessarily leads to important modifications in the theory of ideas, and to the decisive rejection of the doctrine of παρουσία {advent, the coming to be}, towards which he had hitherto chiefly inclined: see on 73e: compare Parmenides 133d τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν εἴτε ὁμοιώματα εἴτε ὅπῃ δή τις αὐτὰ τίθεται.
7 μεγέθει ἄρα: The words μέγεθος and σμικρότης are synonymous with μεῖζον and ἔλαττον in 75c.
8 τῇ κεφαλῇ: Plato here clears up a logical confusion. The fact that the dative is used to express both cause and manner gives the ἀντιλογικὸς his opportunity. If A is said to be taller by a head than B, he insists upon understanding ‘by the head’ as denoting the cause, just as in the phrase ‘Sokrates acts by intelligence,’ νῷ πράττει.
9 ἐναντίος λόγος: Inasmuch as (1), if A is taller by a head than B, B is shorter than A by the same head, namely A’s; which is therefore the cause of both tallness and shortness; (2) the head is small compared with the rest of the body, therefore it is absurd to say A is large through a small part of himself.

|101α| ἐλάττω, ἀλλὰ διαμαρτύροιο ἂν ὅτι σὺ μὲν οὐδὲν ἄλλο λέγεις ἢ ὅτι τὸ μεῖζον πᾶν ἕτερον ἑτέρου οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ μεῖζόν ἐστιν ἢ μεγέθει, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μεῖζον, διὰ τὸ μέγεθος, τὸ δὲ ἔλαττον οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ ἔλαττον ἢ σμικρότητι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔλαττον, διὰ τὴν σμικρότητα, φοβούμενος οἶμαι μή τίς σοι ἐναντίος λόγος 10 ἀπαντήσῃ, ἐὰν τῇ κεφαλῇ μείζονά τινα φῇς εἶναι καὶ ἐλάττω, πρῶτον μὲν τῷ αὐτῷ τὸ μεῖζον μεῖζον εἶναι καὶ τὸ ἔλαττον ἔλαττον, ἔπειτα τῇ κεφαλῇ σμικρᾷ οὔσῃ τὸν |101β| μείζω μείζω εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτο δὴ τέρας εἶναι, τὸ σμικρῷ τινι μέγαν τινὰ εἶναι: ἢ οὐκ ἂν φοβοῖο ταῦτα;
—καὶ ὁ Κέβης γελάσας, ἔγωγε, ἔφη.
—οὐκοῦν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, τὰ δέκα τῶν ὀκτὼ δυοῖν πλείω εἶναι, καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν ὑπερβάλλειν, φοβοῖο ἂν λέγειν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πλήθει καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος; καὶ τὸ δίπηχυ τοῦ πηχυαίου ἡμίσει μεῖζον εἶναι ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μεγέθει; ὁ αὐτὸς γάρ που φόβος.
—πάνυ γ᾽, ἔφη.
—τί δέ; ἑνὶ ἑνὸς προστεθέντος τὴν πρόσθεσιν αἰτίαν εἶναι |101ξ| τοῦ δύο γενέσθαι ἢ διασχισθέντος τὴν σχίσιν οὐκ εὐλαβοῖο ἂν λέγειν; καὶ μέγα ἂν βοῴης ὅτι οὐκ οἶσθα ἄλλως πως ἕκαστον γιγνόμενον ἢ μετασχὸν τῆς ἰδίας οὐσίας ἑκάστου οὗ ἂν μετάσχῃ, καὶ ἐν τούτοις οὐκ ἔχεις ἄλλην τινὰ αἰτίαν τοῦ δύο γενέσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τὴν τῆς δυάδος μετάσχεσιν, καὶ δεῖν τούτου μετασχεῖν τὰ μέλλοντα δύο ἔσεσθαι, καὶ μονάδος ὃ ἂν μέλλῃ ἓν ἔσεσθαι, τὰς δὲ σχίσεις ταύτας καὶ προσθέσεις καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς τοιαύτας κομψείας ἐῴης ἂν χαίρειν, παρεὶς ἀποκρίνασθαι τοῖς σεαυτοῦ σοφωτέροις: σὺ δὲ δεδιὼς ἄν, τὸ |101δ| λεγόμενον, τὴν σαυτοῦ σκιὰν καὶ τὴν ἀπειρίαν, ἐχόμενος ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς ὑποθέσεως, 11 οὕτως ἀποκρίναιο ἄν. εἰ δέ τις αὐτῆς τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἔχοιτο, 12 χαίρειν ἐῴης ἂν καὶ οὐκ ἀποκρίναιο ἕως ἂν τὰ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης ὁρμηθέντα σκέψαιο εἴ σοι ἀλλήλοις συμφωνεῖ ἢ διαφωνεῖ: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκείνης αὐτῆς δέοι σε διδόναι λόγον, ὡσαύτως ἂν διδοίης, 13 ἄλλην αὖ ὑπόθεσιν ὑποθέμενος ἥτις τῶν ἄνωθεν 14 βελτίστη φαίνοιτο,
|101ε| ἕως ἐπί τι ἱκανὸν ἔλθοις, 15 ἅμα δὲ οὐκ ἂν φύροις 16 ὥσπερ οἱ ἀντιλογικοὶ περί τε τῆς ἀρχῆς διαλεγόμενος καὶ τῶν ἐξ ἐκείνης ὡρμημένων, εἴπερ βούλοιό τι τῶν ὄντων εὑρεῖν; ἐκείνοις μὲν γὰρ ἴσως οὐδὲ εἷς περὶ τούτου λόγος οὐδὲ φροντίς: ἱκανοὶ γὰρ ὑπὸ σοφίας ὁμοῦ πάντα κυκῶντες ὅμως δύνασθαι αὐτοὶ αὑτοῖς ἀρέσκειν: σὺ δ᾽, εἴπερ εἶ τῶν φιλοσόφων, 17 |102α| οἶμαι ἂν ὡς ἐγὼ λέγω ποιοῖς.
—ἀληθέστατα, ἔφη, λέγεις, ὅ τε Σιμμίας ἅμα καὶ ὁ Κέβης.
Ἐχεκράτης νὴ Δία, ὦ Φαίδων, εἰκότως γε: θαυμαστῶς γάρ μοι δοκεῖ ὡς ἐναργῶς τῷ καὶ σμικρὸν νοῦν ἔχοντι εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνος ταῦτα.
Φαίδων: πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς παροῦσιν ἔδοξεν.
Ἐχεκράτης καὶ γὰρ ἡμῖν τοῖς ἀποῦσι, νῦν δὲ ἀκούουσιν. ἀλλὰ τίνα δὴ ἦν τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα λεχθέντα;

10 10τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς ὑποθέσεως: ‘clinging to the safeguard of your hypothesis.’ The ὑποθεσις is is the notion or definition, λόγος, under which the object to be explained falls. If we are asked, why is a rose beautiful? we shall not attribute its beauty to the colour, shape, disposition of the petals, and such κομψεῖαι, for all these are merely ξυναίτια: we shall say it is because the rose partakes of the beautiful. Now it is of course the idea which is the cause of the rose’s beauty; the λόγος is not the cause, but it is the conception of the cause which, for fault of direct apprehension of the idea, we have formed by generalisation from particulars. Only when we know the ideas shall we have a true insight into causation; until then λόγοι are the best substitute. The term ὑποθεσις {hypothesis}, as well as the method, may be traced to Sokrates: cf. Xenophon Memorabilia IV vi 13 εἰ δέ τις αὐτῷ περί του ἀντιλέγοι μηδὲν ἔχων σαφὲς λέγειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄνευ ἀποδείξεως ἤτοι σοφώτερον φάσκων εἶναι ὃν αὐτὸς λέγοι ἢ πολιτικώτερον ἢ ἀνδρειότερον ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν τοιούτων, ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἐπανῆγεν ἂν πάντα τὸν λόγον ὧδέ πως {Whenever anyone argued with him on any point without being able to make himself clear, asserting but not proving, that so and so was wiser or an abler politician or braver or what not, he would lead the whole discussion back to the definition required, much in this way}. In illustration we have an inquiry, what is the ἀγαθὸς πολίτης. It is used in a similar sense in Gorgias 454c ἀλλὰ σὺ τὰ σαυτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ὅπως ἂν βούλῃ περαίνῃς {that you may complete your own statement in your own way, as the premises may allow.}.
11 11εἰ δέ τις αὐτῆς τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἔχοιτο: The difficulty of retaining ἔχοιτο in the sense of ‘attack’ has been perceived by most editors, and Madvig proposes to read ἔφοιτο, which Schanz adopts. But the objections to the passage are by no means thus exhausted. A discussion of them will be found in the article of Mr. Jackson’s before mentioned, Journal of Philology vol. x p. 148. I shall state them as follows: (1) ἔχοιτο in a sense entirely unparalleled following immediately upon the ordinary use. Wagner indeed finds ‘a certain acumen’ in this; but wherein it consists he fails to inform us. (2) If we acquiesce in ἔχοιτο or accept ἔφοιτο, the words εἰ δέ τις αὐτῆς τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἔχοιτο are a clumsy and tautological anticipation of ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκείνης αὐτῆς δέοι σε διδόναι λόγον. Ast, seeing this, most ingeniously suggests εἰ δέ τις ἄλλης ὑποθέσεως ἔχοιτο. But, as Dr. Jackson observes, there is grave difficulty in applying the term ὑποθεσις {hypothesis}, which is throughout reserved for the Sokratic method, to the principle of an opponent, who would doubtless term it αἰτία. Moreover the introduction of a rival method is here irrelevant. Finally Ast’s emendation does not meet the most serious objection of all, which is (3) that the words ἕως ἂν τὰ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης ὁρμηθέντα σκέψαιο εἴ σοι ἀλλήλοις συμφωνεῖ ἢ διαφωνεῖ are inconsistent with the method indicated in ὡσαύτως ἂν διδοίης, κ.τ.λ. and are in themselves sheer nonsense. The comparison of particulars between themselves is made before the formation of the ὑποθεσις. But when the ὑποθεσις is established by means of this comparison, we proceed to observe, not whether the particulars are consistent with one another, but whether they are consistent with the hypothesis; and this is precisely what Sokrates professes to do in 100a ἃ μὲν ἄν μοι δοκῇ τούτῳ συμφωνεῖν τίθημι ὡς ἀληθῆ ὄντα, where he is supposing the truth of his hypothesis established. And presently we see that the validity of a doubtful hypothesis is tested, not by examination of particulars, but by the ascent to a more general hypothesis. The word ὁρμηθέντα too strikes me as betraying a writer who had no sense of the difference between aorist and perfect participles: below we have ὡρμημένων. On these grounds I fully agree with Dr. Jackson in regarding the passage ἕως ἂν τὰ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης ὁρμηθέντα σκέψαιο εἴ σοι ἀλλήλοις συμφωνεῖ ἢ διαφωνεῖ as an interpolation; probably, as he suggests, by the same hand that inserted ταῖς μέν γε ἀγαθαῖς ἄμεινον εἶναι, ταῖς δὲ κακαῖς κάκιον in 72d.
  A very full and instructive discussion of the whole subject of the present chapter, and the relation of the δεύτερος πλοῦς to the dialectical method, will be found in the aforesaid article of Dr. Jackson’s in Journal of Philology vol. x; to which my notes on this part of the dialogue are largely indebted.
12 ὡσαύτως ἂν διδοίης: i.e. as when we are asked to explain a group of particulars we form by generalisation a concept or definition, ὑποθεσις {hypothesis}, which includes them all, so if we have to explain our ὑποθεσις we form a wider generalisation which includes that and other ὑποθεσις corresponding to other groups of particulars. We proceed from particulars to species, from species to genus, from genus to a more comprehensive genus, and so ascend step by step until we arrive at one that will satisfy our needs.
13 ἥτις τῶν ἄνωθεν: ‘whichever of the higher generalisations seems most adequate.’ τῶν ἄνωθεν means the more comprehensive ὑποθεσις {hypothesis}, farther removed from the particulars. So Aristotle Analytics Posterior I xx 82a 23; λέγω δ’ ἄνω μὲν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ καθόλου μᾶλλον, κάτω δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ κατὰ μέρος. Cf. Metaphysics B iii 998b 17 εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀεὶ τὰ καθόλου μᾶλλον ἀρχαί, φανερὸν ὅτι τὰ ἀνωτάτω τῶν γενῶν: ταῦτα γὰρ λέγεται κατὰ πάντων.
14 ἕως ἐπί τι ἱκανὸν ἔλθοις: I agree with Prof. Geddes, though for very different reasons, in holding that ἱκανὸν does not mean the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν. In this passage Sokrates is avowedly setting forth his δεύτερος πλοῦς: he has declared his inability (99d) to attain to the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν. Now if ἱκανὸν means the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν, we have here described no δεύτερος πλοῦς, but the perfect dialectic of which Sokrates at present despairs; and we ought to exchange the term ὑποθεσις {hypothesis} for ἀρχή. By the superior method we use our ὑποθεσις merely as steps to the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν: having reached this we are enabled to descend step by step, verifying every one of the ὑποθεσις by which, we ascended: so that the knowledge of the αὐτὸ ἀγαθόν is essential to the real knowledge of all our generalisations from the highest to the lowest. But since the inferior method only is attempted here, ἱκανὸν must merely mean a ὑποθεσις comprehensive enough to satisfy the antagonist or our own doubts. Olympiodoros, though his phraseology is sadly confused, means rightly when he says ἄμεινον δέ, τὸ ἀεὶ ὁμολογούμενον φάναι καὶ τοὺς αὐτοπίστους ὑποθεσις τε καὶ ἀρχάς.
15 ἅμα δὲ οὐκ ἂν φύροις: i.e. you would not make a confusion between arguments intended to prove your ὑποθεσις {hypothesis} and arguments applicable to deductions therefrom: e.g. in the case that follows, you would not confuse a demonstration of the ideal theory with a demonstration of the immortality of the soul, which is a corollary from the former. In other words the processes which are not to be confounded are (1) the establishment of the ὑποθεσις, (2) the comparison of the ὡρμημένα with the ὑποθεσις, cf. 100a. As Grote says, ‘during this debate [on the ὡρμημένα] Plato would require his opponent to admit the truth of the fundamental hypothesis provisionally. If the opponent chose to impugn the latter, he must open a distinct debate on that express subject. Plato insists that the discussion of the consequences flowing from the hypothesis shall be kept quite apart from the discussion on the credibility of the hypothesis itself.’ In the sarcastic remarks that follow Plato indicates the difference between the aim of the φιλόσοφοι and that of the ἀντιλογικοί: the former seek τῶν ὄντων τι εὑρεῖν the latter αὐτοὶ αὑτοῖς ἀρέσκειν. This spirit of self-satisfaction is exorcised by dialectic; cf. Theaetetus 177b. (φύροις is Madvig’s correction for φύροιο, which is retained by Z. and St. οὐκ ἂν φύροιο means ‘you would not get muddled.’ but the active gives a preciser sense.
16 |102 a| Plato brings in this brief interlude with his usual skill. The emphatic approval expressed by Echekrates of the principles just laid down serves to impress on us that by them we must stand or fall. We have staked all upon this last effort; we have chosen our own battle-ground, on which alone we can hope for victory. Nothing could better mark the gravity of the crisis than this momentary pause in the narrative.

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Phaedo, Part 50.

Phaedo: As I remember it, after all this had been admitted, and they had agreed that |102b| each of the abstract qualities exists and that other things which participate in these get their names from them, then Sokrates asked: “Now if you assent to this, do you not, when you say that Simmias is greater than Sokrates and smaller than Phaedo, say that there is in Simmias greatness and smallness?”
—“Yes.”
—“But,” said Sokrates, “you agree that the statement that Simmias is greater than Sokrates is not true as stated in those words. For Simmias is not greater than Sokrates |102c| by reason of being Simmias, but by reason of the greatness he happens to have; nor is he greater than Sokrates because Sokrates is Sokrates, but because Sokrates has smallness relatively to his greatness.”
—“True.”
—“And again, he is not smaller than Phaedo because Phaedo is Phaedo, but because Phaedo has greatness relatively to Simmias’s smallness.”
—“That is true.”
—“Then Simmias is called small and great, when he is between the two, |102d| surpassing the smallness of the one by exceeding him in height, and granting to the other the greatness that exceeds his own smallness.” And he laughed and said, “I seem to he speaking like a legal document, but it really is very much as I say.”
—Simmias agreed.
—“I am speaking so because I want you to agree with me. I think it is evident not only that greatness itself will never be great and also small, but that the greatness in us will never admit the small or allow itself to be exceeded. One of two things must take place: either it flees or withdraws when |102e| its opposite, smallness, advances toward it, or it has already ceased to exist by the time smallness comes near it. But it will not receive and admit smallness, thereby becoming other than it was. So I have received and admitted smallness and am still the same small person I was; but the greatness in me, being great, has not suffered itself to become small. In the same way the smallness in us will never become or be great, nor will any other opposite which is still what it was, ever become or be also its own opposite. |103a| It either goes away or loses its existence in the change.”
—“That,” said Kebes, “seems to me quite evident.”
  Phaedo 102a–103a, c. l. Assuming then that ideas exist corresponding to the hypotheses, and that by participation in them particulars possess their attributes, Sokrates proceeds thus. When we say Simmias is bigger than Sokrates and less than Phaedo, we are speaking loosely: in reality Simmias partakes of the ideas of great and small; and it is greatness in him which is bigger than smallness in Sokrates, and smallness in him that is less than greatness in Phaedo. For it has nothing to do with the personality of Simmias, Sokrates and Phaedo, as such, that one is greater or less than another. We observe then that (1) two opposite ideas can coexist in the same subject, although (2) such opposite ideas cannot combine with each other, either (3) as they exist absolutely in nature, or (4) as they are manifested in concrete particulars. And this incapacity of one opposite idea to take upon it the nature of the other is true of all pairs of opposite ideas as well as great and small.
  Setting aside the metaphysical objections to the doctrine of ideas of relation, which we have here in its most pronounced form, it conveniently serves Plato’s purpose to show that in particulars contradictory ideas may coexist. In 103d we pass on to the next stage. We are here dealing with the participation by particulars in ideas which are not essential to their nature. Greatness and smallness are not essential to a man as heat is essential to fire and cold to snow. With this chapter it is well to contrast Parmenides 150a folllowing.

Φαιδων, Part 50.

Φαίδων: ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ οἶμαι, ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ ταῦτα συνεχωρήθη, 1 |102β| καὶ ὡμολογεῖτο εἶναί τι ἕκαστον τῶν εἰδῶν καὶ τούτων τἆλλα 2 μεταλαμβάνοντα αὐτῶν τούτων τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἴσχειν, τὸ δὴ μετὰ ταῦτα ἠρώτα, εἰ δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ταῦτα οὕτως λέγεις, ἆρ᾽ οὐχ, ὅταν Σιμμίαν Σωκράτους φῇς μείζω εἶναι, Φαίδωνος δὲ ἐλάττω, λέγεις τότ᾽ εἶναι 3 ἐν τῷ Σιμμίᾳ ἀμφότερα, καὶ μέγεθος καὶ σμικρότητα;
—ἔγωγε.
—ἀλλὰ γάρ, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὁμολογεῖς τὸ τὸν Σιμμίαν ὑπερέχειν 4 Σωκράτους οὐχ ὡς τοῖς ῥήμασι λέγεται οὕτω καὶ τὸ ἀληθὲς |102ξ| ἔχειν; οὐ γάρ που πεφυκέναι Σιμμίαν ὑπερέχειν τούτῳ, τῷ Σιμμίαν εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ μεγέθει ὃ τυγχάνει ἔχων: οὐδ᾽ αὖ Σωκράτους ὑπερέχειν ὅτι Σωκράτης ὁ Σωκράτης ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι σμικρότητα ἔχει ὁ Σωκράτης πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνου μέγεθος;
—ἀληθῆ.
—οὐδέ γε αὖ ὑπὸ Φαίδωνος ὑπερέχεσθαι τῷ ὅτι Φαίδων ὁ Φαίδων ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μέγεθος ἔχει ὁ Φαίδων πρὸς τὴν Σιμμίου σμικρότητα;
—ἔστι ταῦτα.
—οὕτως ἄρα ὁ Σιμμίας ἐπωνυμίαν ἔχει 5 σμικρός τε καὶ μέγας εἶναι, ἐν μέσῳ ὢν ἀμφοτέρων, τοῦ μὲν τῷ μεγέθει |102δ| ὑπερέχειν τὴν σμικρότητα ὑπέχων, 6 τῷ δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς σμικρότητος παρέχων ὑπερέχον. καὶ ἅμα μειδιάσας, ἔοικα, ἔφη, καὶ συγγραφικῶς ἐρεῖν, 7 ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἔχει γέ που ὡς λέγω.
—συνέφη.
—λέγω δὴ τοῦδ᾽ ἕνεκα, βουλόμενος δόξαι σοὶ ὅπερ ἐμοί. ἐμοὶ γὰρ φαίνεται οὐ μόνον αὐτὸ τὸ μέγεθος 8 οὐδέποτ᾽ ἐθέλειν ἅμα μέγα καὶ σμικρὸν εἶναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἐν ἡμῖν μέγεθος οὐδέποτε προσδέχεσθαι τὸ σμικρὸν οὐδ᾽ ἐθέλειν ὑπερέχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ δυοῖν τὸ ἕτερον, ἢ φεύγειν καὶ ὑπεκχωρεῖν 9 ὅταν αὐτῷ |102ε| προσίῃ τὸ ἐναντίον, τὸ σμικρόν, ἢ προσελθόντος ἐκείνου ἀπολωλέναι: ὑπομένον 10 δὲ καὶ δεξάμενον τὴν σμικρότητα οὐκ ἐθέλειν 11 εἶναι ἕτερον ἢ ὅπερ ἦν.
—ὥσπερ ἐγὼ δεξάμενος καὶ ὑπομείνας τὴν σμικρότητα, καὶ ἔτι ὢν ὅσπερ εἰμί, οὗτος ὁ αὐτὸς σμικρός εἰμι: 12 ἐκεῖνο δὲ οὐ τετόλμηκεν 13 μέγα ὂν σμικρὸν εἶναι: ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως καὶ τὸ σμικρὸν τὸ ἐν ἡμῖν οὐκ ἐθέλει ποτὲ μέγα γίγνεσθαι οὐδὲ εἶναι, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο οὐδὲν τῶν ἐναντίων, ἔτι ὂν ὅπερ ἦν, ἅμα τοὐναντίον γίγνεσθαί τε |103α| καὶ εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἤτοι ἀπέρχεται ἢ ἀπόλλυται ἐν τούτῳ τῷ παθήματι. 14
—παντάπασιν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, οὕτω φαίνεταί μοι.

1 ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ ταῦτα συνεχωρήθη: Sokrates now assumes the existence of the ideas, though at present he is unable to attain cognition of them: that is, he assumes that his ὑποθεσις {hypothesis} more or less faithfully represent the substantial realities. Taking then the ideas as the true αἰτίαι περὶ γενέσεως καὶ φθορᾶς, it remains to examine whether the immortality of the soul is a legitimate deduction from this theory.
2 τἆλλα: i.e. concrete existence. τἆλλα is constantly used thus in the Parmenides.
3 λέγεις τότ᾽ εἶναι: The ideas are the cause of comparison, as of everything else. It is through partaking of the ideas of great and small that Simmias is comparable in point of size with other men.
4 τὸ τὸν Σιμμίαν ὑπερέχειν: ‘as to Simmias being bigger than Sokrates, you admit the truth is not as expressed in the words.’ Strictly speaking Simmias is not bigger than Sokrates, for the personality of two men cannot be compared in respect of size. The only things that can be so compared are great and small: therefore it is the greatness in Simmias which we compare with the smallness that is in Sokrates. But to say that Simmias qua Simmias is greater or less than Sokrates qua Sokrates would be nonsense.
5 ἐπωνυμίαν ἔχει: because he participates in the two opposite ideas. This predication of opposite attributes exhibits particulars in sharp contrast to the ideas, of which no such contrary predication is, to the Sokrates of the Phaedo, possible: cf. Parmenides 129b εἰ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὰ τὰ ὅμοιά τις ἀπέφαινεν ἀνόμοια γιγνόμενα ἢ τὰ ἀνόμοια ὅμοια, τέρας ἂν οἶμαι ἦν: εἰ δὲ τὰ τούτων μετέχοντα ἀμφοτέρων ἀμφότερα ἀποφαίνει πεπονθότα, οὐδὲν ἔμοιγε, ὦ Ζήνων, ἄτοπον δοκεῖ εἶναι. The whole passage 129a–130a should be compared, where Sokrates is stating the earlier Platonic doctrine, which in the latter part of the dialogue Plato criticises with a view to its modification.
6 τὴν σμικρότητα ὑπέχων: This reading is due to Madvig, who thus renders the sentence: ‘alterius magnitudini exiguitatem suam superandam subministrans, alteri magnitudinem exiguitatem superantem praebens’; i.e. Simmias submits his smallness to be exceeded by the greatness of Phaedo and presents his greatness to exceed the smallness of Sokrates. On the whole this seems the best attempt to disentangle this troublesome sentence that has yet been made. The ordinary reading is ὑπερέχων, which is thus translated by Mr. Cope: ‘exceeding the shortness of the one by excess of height, and lending to the other by comparison a size exceeding his own shortness.’ The grave objection to this reading and interpretation is that in the first clause ὑπερέχων is followed by the accusative, in the second ὑπερέχον by the genitive. The verb may, it is true, take either case; but surely Plato would not use both constructions in the same breath. Wyttenbach, Heindorf, and Ast reconstruct the passage each in his own way: Madvig’s remedy is, however, the simplest.
7 ξυγγραφικῶς ἐρεῖν: ‘it seems I am going to talk in the style of an indenture.’ ξυγγραφὴ is the regular term for a legal document, especially a bond or covenant. Sokrates makes fun of the clumsy sentence he has just uttered, which he compares to the cumbrous pedantry of legal phraseology.
8 οὐ μόνον αὐτὸ τὸ μέγεθος: According to the earlier Platonism, the idea exists (1) absolutely apart from the sensible world, χωριστή, (2) inherent in phenomena, to which it imparts their attributes. Not only are opposite ideas incapable of communion, as existing apart by themselves, but also as informing particulars. The importance of this point becomes manifest when the argument is applied to ψυχή {soul}.
9 ἢ φεύγειν καὶ ὑπεκχωρεῖν: If any object that was great becomes small, the idea of greatness either withdraws from it and goes elsewhere or is extinguished; and the idea of smallness takes its place. But under no circumstances can the idea of greatness remain in the object and accept the attribute of smallness, thus contradicting its own nature.
10 ὑπομένον: Schanz has adopted Hirschig’s ὑπομεῖναν, against all authority. The change of tense is however perfectly proper. Awaiting the approach of the other idea is a prolonged process, accepting it is an act performed once for all. In the next sentence ὑπομείνας denotes the actual completion of the process in a specified instance.
11 οὐκ ἐθέλειν: ‘it will not consent to abide and accept smallness and thus become different from what it was, in the way that I accept and abide smallness and still remaining the man I am, without losing my identity am small; whereas it has never submitted, while remaining great, to be small.’ That is to say, if Sokrates δέχεται σμικρότητα, we have a small Sokrates, which involves no incongruity nor loss of identity; but if greatness δέχεται σμικρότητα, we have small greatness, which is incongruous and impossible. Schmidt (Krit. Comm. II p. 41) discusses this passage at great length: he would read οὐκ ἐθέλειν εἶναι ἕτι ὅπερ ἦν, comparing 103e δεξάμενον τὴν ψυχρότητα ἔτι εἶναι ὅπερ ἦν, πῦρ καὶ ψυχρόν. There is much to be said for this; but I think the vulgate may be defended, as indicating that in the one case a change of identity is involved but not in the other: the incongruity in fact lies in the supposed retention of its identity by the idea under circumstances which render its retention impossible. σμικρὸν μέγεθος would remain μέγεθος but yet be ἕτερον. Moreover Schmidt’s reading anticipates the point made in μέγα ὂν σμικρὸν εἶναι. On the whole, therefore, it is better to make no change.
12 οὗτος ὁ αὐτὸς σμικρός εἰμι: ‘I, this same Sokrates, am small.’
13 τετόλμηκε: as in 103d τολμήσειν. The perfect expresses the fixed constitution of the idea: it has been ordained by nature not to endure smallness.
14 ἐν τούτῳ τῷ παθήματι: i.e. ἐν τῷ προσιέναι αὐτῷ τὸ ἐναντίον.

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Phaedo, Part 51.

—Then one of those present—I don’t just remember who it was—said: “In Heaven’s name, is not this present doctrine the exact opposite of what was fitted in our earlier discussion, that the greater is generated from the less and the less from the greater and that opposites are always generated from their opposites? But now it seems to me we are saying, this can never happen.”
—Sokrates cocked his head on one side and listened. |103b |“You have spoken up like a man,” he said, “but you do not observe the difference between the present doctrine and what we said before. We said before that in the case of concrete things opposites are generated from opposites; whereas now we say that the abstract concept of an opposite can never become its own opposite, either in us or in the world about us. Then we were talking about things which possess opposite qualities and are called after them, but now about those very opposites the immanence of which gives the things their names. We say that these latter |103c| can never be generated from each other.”
—At the same time he looked at Kebes and said: “And you—are you troubled by any of our friends’ objections?”
—“No,” said Kebes, “not this time; though I confess that objections often do trouble me.”
—“Well, we are quite agreed,” said Sokrates, “upon this, that an opposite can never be its own opposite.”
—“Entirely agreed,” said Kebes.
  Phaedo 103a–c, c. li. One of the company suggests that this doctrine is inconsistent with our former theory of generation from opposites (70c following.) Sokrates replies that then we were speaking of particulars possessing the attributes of such opposites, but now we deal with the absolute opposites themselves. The former can pass from one to the other of two opposite conditions; but the opposite itself can never put on the nature of its opposite.

Φαιδων, Part 51.

—καί τις εἶπε τῶν παρόντων ἀκούσας—ὅστις δ᾽ ἦν, οὐ σαφῶς μέμνημαι—πρὸς θεῶν, οὐκ ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν ἡμῖν λόγοις αὐτὸ τὸ ἐναντίον τῶν νυνὶ λεγομένων ὡμολογεῖτο, ἐκ τοῦ ἐλάττονος τὸ μεῖζον γίγνεσθαι καὶ ἐκ τοῦ μείζονος τὸ ἔλαττον, καὶ ἀτεχνῶς αὕτη εἶναι ἡ γένεσις τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων; νῦν δέ μοι δοκεῖ λέγεσθαι ὅτι τοῦτο οὐκ ἄν ποτε γένοιτο.
—καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης παραβαλὼν τὴν κεφαλὴν 1 καὶ ἀκούσας, |103β| ἀνδρικῶς, 2 ἔφη, ἀπεμνημόνευκας, οὐ μέντοι ἐννοεῖς τὸ διαφέρον 3 τοῦ τε νῦν λεγομένου καὶ τοῦ τότε. τότε μὲν γὰρ ἐλέγετο ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου πράγματος τὸ ἐναντίον πρᾶγμα γίγνεσθαι, νῦν δέ, ὅτι αὐτὸ τὸ ἐναντίον ἑαυτῷ ἐναντίον οὐκ ἄν ποτε γένοιτο, οὔτε τὸ ἐν ἡμῖν 4 οὔτε τὸ ἐν τῇ φύσει. τότε μὲν γάρ, ὦ φίλε, περὶ τῶν ἐχόντων τὰ ἐναντία ἐλέγομεν, ἐπονομάζοντες αὐτὰ τῇ ἐκείνων ἐπωνυμίᾳ, 5 νῦν δὲ περὶ ἐκείνων αὐτῶν ὧν ἐνόντων ἔχει τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν τὰ ὀνομαζόμενα:
|103ξ| αὐτὰ δ᾽ ἐκεῖνα οὐκ ἄν 6 ποτέ φαμεν ἐθελῆσαι γένεσιν ἀλλήλων δέξασθαι. καὶ ἅμα βλέψας πρὸς τὸν Κέβητα εἶπεν, ἆρα μή που, ὦ Κέβης, ἔφη, καὶ σέ τι τούτων ἐτάραξεν ὧν ὅδε εἶπεν;
—οὐδ᾽ αὖ, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης, οὕτως ἔχω: καίτοι οὔτι λέγω ὡς οὐ πολλά με ταράττει.
—συνωμολογήκαμεν ἄρα, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἁπλῶς τοῦτο, μηδέποτε ἐναντίον ἑαυτῷ τὸ ἐναντίον ἔσεσθαι.
—παντάπασιν, ἔφη.

1 παραβαλὼν τὴν κεφαλὴν: ‘bending his head to listen.’ As Heindorf suggests, the objector probably spoke in a low voice through diffidence.
2 ἀνδρικῶς: Sokrates is never without a word of praise for any mark of interest or intelligence in his listeners. Plato is fond of the word ἀνδρικῶς and its cognates to express staunchness in argument: cf. Theaetetus 204e, Phaedrus 265a, Republic 454b, Laws 752b: in the last two instances ironically.
3 οὐ μέντοι ἐννοεῖς τὸ διαφέρον: The distinction is clear enough. The concrete particular is not in itself opposed to either of the opposites, therefore it can admit either of such opposites without contradicting itself; but the opposites themselves are so mutually exclusive that neither can admit the other without self-contradiction. Hot water can become cold, because water is not itself opposite to hot or cold, nor is any attribute essential to it which is opposed to either. But hot cannot become cold without manifest contradiction of its own nature. Similarly, when we generated ζῶν from τεθνηκός, we did not mean that death became life, but simply that things that live have passed over from a state of death into a state of life. In the next chapter, however, we shall see that a further refinement must be made.
4 οὔτε τὸ ἐν ἡμῖν: Simmias can be small and great by participation in the ideas of small and great; but the idea of greatness in him can never have the quality of smallness, so that Simmias should be small by virtue of its immanence. For ἐν τῇ φύσει compare Parmenides 132d τὰ μὲν εἴδη ταῦτα ὥσπερ παραδείγματα ἑστάναι ἐν τῇ φύσει.
5 τῇ ἐκείνων ἐπωνυμίᾳ: Here Plato propounds a theory of predication. When we say that Sokrates is small, we do not mean that Sokrates and small are the same thing, but we call Sokrates after the name of the idea whose attribute he possesses. To mark this point was necessary because of the confusion into which Antisthenes and others had fallen in the matter of predication. The difference between Plato’s treatment of the subject in the Phaedo and in the Sophist has been dealt with in the Introduction § 5.
6 οὐκ ἄν: ‘no, not this time.’ The mss. are corrupt here: I have adopted the text of Schanz, except that he brackets ὁ Κέβης. Z. and St. have οὐκ αὖ, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης.

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Phaedo, Part 52.

—“Now,” said he, “see if you agree with me in what follows: Is there something that you call heat and something you call cold?”
—“Yes.”
—“Are they the same as snow and fire?”
|103d| “No, not at all.”
—“But heat is a different thing from fire and cold differs from snow?”
—“Yes.”
—“Yet I fancy you believe that snow, if (to employ the form of phrase we used before) it admits heat, will no longer be what it was, namely snow, and also warm, but will either withdraw when heat approaches it or will cease to exist.”
—“Certainly.”
—“And similarly fire, when cold approaches it, will either withdraw or perish. It will never succeed in admitting cold and being still fire, |103e| as it was before, and also cold.”
—“That is true,” said he.
—“The fact is,” said he, “in some such cases, that not only the abstract idea itself has a right to the same name through all time, but also something else, which is not the idea, but which always, whenever it exists, has the form of the idea. But perhaps I can make my meaning clearer by some examples. In numbers, the odd must always have the name of odd, must it not?”
—“Certainly.”
—“But is this the only thing so called (for this is what I mean to ask), or is there something else, which is not |104a| identical with the odd but nevertheless has a right to the name of odd in addition to its own name, because it is of such a nature that it is never separated from the odd? I mean, for instance, the number three, and there are many other examples. Take the case of three; do you not think it may always be called by its own name and also be called odd, which is not the same as three? Yet the number three and the number five and half of numbers in general are so constituted, that each of them is odd |104b| though not identified with the idea of odd. And in the same way two and four and all the other series of numbers are even, each of them, though not identical with evenness. Do you agree, or not?”
—“Of course,” he replied.
—“Now see what I want to make plain. This is my point, that not only abstract opposites exclude each other, but all things which, although not opposites one to another, always contain opposites; these also, we find, exclude the idea which is opposed to the idea contained in them, |104c| and when it approaches they either perish or withdraw. We must certainly agree that the number three will endure destruction or anything else rather than submit to becoming even, while still remaining three, must we not?”
—“Certainly,” said Kebes.
—“But the number two is not the opposite of the number three.”
—“No.”
—“Then not only opposite ideas refuse to admit each other when they come near, but certain other things refuse to admit the approach of opposites.”
—“Very true,” he said.
  Phaedo 103c–104c, c. lii. The mutually exclusive opposites, hot and cold, are not identical with fire and snow; yet we see that fire will not admit cold, nor snow heat. Whence we infer that there may be an idea which is not one of a pair of opposites, but which may exclude one of such opposites. For instance, the idea of odd is opposite to that of even, and exclusive of it. Also the idea of three, though not opposite to even, excludes it, because the idea of three necessarily carries with it the idea of odd. Similarly the idea of even and the idea of two exclude the idea of odd. Thus it appears that there are (1) opposite ideas which are mutually exclusive, (2) other ideas, not identical with any such opposite but necessarily partaking of it, which, equally with that opposite, exclude the other opposite.
—After establishing in the fiftieth chapter that opposite ideas cannot enter into communion, Plato’s next task is to show that this incommunicability extends to other ideas, which, though not themselves opposite to anything, are inseparably combined with one of such opposites and therefore necessarily exclude the other.

Φαιδων, Part 52.

—ἔτι δή μοι καὶ τόδε σκέψαι, ἔφη, εἰ ἄρα συνομολογήσεις. θερμόν τι καλεῖς καὶ ψυχρόν;
—ἔγωγε.
—ἆρ᾽ ὅπερ χιόνα καὶ πῦρ; 1
|103δ| μὰ Δί᾽ οὐκ ἔγωγε.
—ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερόν τι πυρὸς τὸ θερμὸν καὶ ἕτερόν τι χιόνος τὸ ψυχρόν;
—ναί.
—ἀλλὰ τόδε γ᾽ οἶμαι δοκεῖ σοι, οὐδέποτε χιόνα οὖσαν 2 δεξαμένην τὸ θερμόν, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπρόσθεν 3 ἐλέγομεν, ἔτι ἔσεσθαι ὅπερ ἦν, χιόνα καὶ θερμόν, 4 ἀλλὰ προσιόντος τοῦ θερμοῦ ἢ ὑπεκχωρήσειν αὐτῷ ἢ ἀπολεῖσθαι. 5
—πάνυ γε.
—καὶ τὸ πῦρ γε αὖ προσιόντος τοῦ ψυχροῦ αὐτῷ ἢ ὑπεξιέναι ἢ ἀπολεῖσθαι, οὐ μέντοι ποτὲ τολμήσειν δεξάμενον τὴν ψυχρότητα ἔτι εἶναι ὅπερ ἦν, πῦρ καὶ ψυχρόν.
|103ε| ἀληθῆ, ἔφη, λέγεις.
—ἔστιν ἄρα, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, 6 περὶ ἔνια τῶν τοιούτων, ὥστε μὴ μόνον αὐτὸ τὸ εἶδος ἀξιοῦσθαι τοῦ αὑτοῦ ὀνόματος 7 εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλο τι ὃ ἔστι μὲν οὐκ ἐκεῖνο, ἔχει δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου μορφὴν 8 ἀεί, ὅτανπερ ᾖ. ἔτι δὲ ἐν τῖσδε 9 ἴσως ἔσται σαφέστερον ὃ λέγω: τὸ γὰρ περιττὸν ἀεί που δεῖ τούτου τοῦ ὀνόματος τυγχάνειν ὅπερ νῦν λέγομεν: ἢ οὔ;
—πάνυ γε.
—ἆρα μόνον τῶν ὄντων—τοῦτο γὰρ ἐρωτῶ 10—ἢ καὶ ἄλλο |104α| τι ὃ ἔστι μὲν οὐχ ὅπερ τὸ περιττόν, ὅμως δὲ δεῖ αὐτὸ μετὰ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ὀνόματος καὶ τοῦτο καλεῖν 11 ἀεὶ διὰ τὸ οὕτω πεφυκέναι ὥστε τοῦ περιττοῦ μηδέποτε ἀπολείπεσθαι; λέγω δὲ αὐτὸ εἶναι οἷον καὶ ἡ τριὰς πέπονθε καὶ ἄλλα πολλά. σκόπει δὲ περὶ τῆς τριάδος. ἆρα οὐ δοκεῖ σοι τῷ τε αὑτῆς ὀνόματι ἀεὶ προσαγορευτέα εἶναι καὶ τῷ τοῦ περιττοῦ, ὄντος οὐχ ὅπερ τῆς τριάδος; ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὕτως πέφυκε καὶ ἡ τριὰς καὶ ἡ πεμπτὰς καὶ ὁ ἥμισυς τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ ἅπας, 12 ὥστε |104β| οὐκ ὢν ὅπερ τὸ περιττὸν ἀεὶ ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐστι περιττός: καὶ αὖ τὰ δύο καὶ τὰ τέτταρα καὶ ἅπας ὁ ἕτερος αὖ στίχος τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ οὐκ ὢν ὅπερ τὸ ἄρτιον ὅμως ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἄρτιός ἐστιν ἀεί: συγχωρεῖς ἢ οὔ;
—πῶς γὰρ οὔκ; ἔφη.
—ὃ τοίνυν, ἔφη, βούλομαι δηλῶσαι, ἄθρει. ἔστιν δὲ τόδε, ὅτι φαίνεται οὐ μόνον ἐκεῖνα τὰ ἐναντία 13 ἄλληλα οὐ δεχόμενα, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσα οὐκ ὄντ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἐναντία ἔχει ἀεὶ τἀναντία, οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἔοικε δεχομένοις ἐκείνην τὴν ἰδέαν ἣ ἂν τῇ ἐν αὐτοῖς οὔσῃ ἐναντία ᾖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιούσης αὐτῆς ἤτοι |104ξ| ἀπολλύμενα ἢ ὑπεκχωροῦντα. 14 ἢ οὐ φήσομεν τὰ τρία καὶ ἀπολεῖσθαι πρότερον καὶ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν πείσεσθαι, πρὶν ὑπομεῖναι ἔτι τρία ὄντα ἄρτια γενέσθαι;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης.
—οὐδὲ μήν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἐναντίον γέ ἐστι δυὰς τριάδι.
—οὐ γὰρ οὖν.
—οὐκ ἄρα μόνον τὰ εἴδη τὰ ἐναντία οὐχ ὑπομένει ἐπιόντα ἄλληλα, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλ᾽ ἄττα τὰ ἐναντία οὐχ ὑπομένει ἐπιόντα.
—ἀληθέστατα, ἔφη, λέγεις.

1 ὅπερ χιόνα καὶ πῦρ: Plato at first speaks of hot, cold, fire, snow, without distinctly specifying whether he means ideas or particulars: presently, however, he gives a precise statement: we have in 104a (1) περιττόν, the idea of odd, (2) τρίας, the idea of three, (3) τρία, the three particulars informed by the τρίας.
2 χιόνα οὖσαν: Schanz writes χιόνα twice, which is far from euphonious and surely unnecessary, the subject being readily supplied from the preceding sentence.
3 ἐν τοῖς ἔμπρόσθεν Phaedo 102e.
4 χιόνα καὶ θερμόν: ‘at once snow and hot.’ The sense is perfectly right, and I cannot understand why Schanz should bracket καὶ θερμόν, as he does καὶ ψυχρόν in d. For the phrase χιόνα καὶ θερμόν is explanatory of the whole clause δεξάμενον τὴν ψυχρότητα ἔτι εἶναι ὅπερ ἦν, the result of which process would be precisely what Plato says, hot snow. Schanz seems to refer it to the ὅπερ ἦν alone. Hirschig goes so far as to bracket all three words; also πῦρ καὶ ψυχρόν below. I cannot see that the shadow of suspicion attaches to them.
5 ἀπολεῖσθαι: That which ἀπολεῖσθαι is of course not the idea, which is as imperishable existing ἐν τῇ χιόνι as existing ἐν τῇ φύσει: what perishes is the quality of snow which the particular possesses by the immanence of the idea of snow—the sensible form of snow, such as those described in Timaeus 50c as ἐσιόντα καὶ ἐξιόντα: this, however, is to explain Plato’s words by means of an analysis which he had not yet made. For αὐτῷ the mss. have αὐτό.
6 ἔστιν ἄρα, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς: ‘it is the case then with some ideas of this kind that not only do we recognise the right of this idea itself to the same name in perpetuity, but also that of some other idea, not being identical with it, which, whenever it exists, always possesses the form of the other.’ For the construction ἔστιν ὥστε cf. 93b.
7 τοῦ αὑτοῦ ὀνόματος: So Schanz: rightly, it would seem; cf. below, τὸ γὰρ περιττὸν ἀεί που δεῖ τούτου τοῦ ὀνόματος τυγχάνειν. In support of ἑαυτοῦ Prof. Geddes refers to 104a μετὰ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ὀνόματος. But there, as well as in τῷ τε αὑτῆς ὀνόματι below, a comparison is involved which is absent here. Z. and St. give ἑαυτοῦ.
8 τὴν ἐκείνου μορφὴν: On this Wyttenbach observes ‘notatur alius verborum usus: quo εἶδος ut universalis habetur, μορφὴ minus universale et quasi communio τοῦ εἴσους: veluti numerus impar εἶδος dicitur, tria autem illius μορφὴν habere.’ But this distinction cannot be maintained; for, as Wyttenbach himself points out, in 104d Plato says ἡ ἐναντία ἰδέα ἐκείνῃ τῇ μορφῇ ἣ ἂν τοῦτο ἀπεργάζηται, where μορφῇ = τῷ περιττῷ. In fact μορφή, εἶδος, and ἰδέα are in the present passage interchangeable words. ‘The species has the μορφὴ of the genus present, with whatever else that μορφὴ may be combined,’ says Prof. Geddes, rightly.
9 ἔτι δὲ ἐν τῖσδε: No fresh point is introduced here: Plato is merely illustrating his proposition more fully. From his second example he again draws the inference stated in 103e, which he gives in a more complete form in 104b.
10 τοῦτο γὰρ ἐρωτῶ: ‘for this is the point of my question.’ These words direct the attention of the hearer to the proposition on which most stress is laid: viz. that there are ideas which are not logically opposite to anything, but which nevertheless contain the principle of some opposite and therefore refuse to combine with the rival opposite. The vital importance of this we shall presently see.
11 καὶ τοῦτο καλεῖν: sc. περιττὸν.
12 ὁ ἥμισυς τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ ἅπας: ‘the entire half of the set of numbers,’ Cope. For the construction cf. Thucydides viii 8 τὰς ἡμισείας τῶν νεῶν {only half the ships}. πολὺς is similarly used, Thucydides i 5 τὸν πλεῖστον τοῦ βίου {unwalled and straggling towns}: and other like idioms are given in Wagner’s note.
13 οὐ μόνον ἐκεῖνα τὰ ἐναντία: ‘not only those original opposites refuse to admit each other, but also those which, though not opposite one to another, always contain the opposites, seem no more likely to admit the idea which is opposite to the idea they contain, but on its approach they either perish or withdraw.’ That is to say τριὰς is not opposite to δυάς, but it contains an opposite, περιττόν, to the idea, ἄρτιον, contained in δυάς. Therefore τριὰς equally with περιττόν excludes ἄρτιον, and δυάς excludes περιττόν.
14
—(14ἀπολλύμενα ἢ ὑπεκχωροῦντα: As Ast says, the construction is as though φαινεται had been written instead of ἔοικε.

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Phaedo, Part 53.

—“Shall we then,” said Sokrates, “determine if we can, what these are?”
—“Certainly.”
|104d| “Then, Kebes, will they be those which always compel anything of which they take possession not only to take their form but also that of some opposite?”
—“What do you mean?”
—“Such things as we were speaking of just now. You know of course that those things in which the number three is an essential element must be not only three but also odd.”
—“Certainly.”
—“Now such a thing can never admit the idea which is the opposite of the concept which produces this result.”
—“No, it cannot.”
—“But the result was produced by the concept of the odd?”
—“Yes.”
—“And the opposite of this is the idea |104e| of the even?”
—“Yes.”
—“Then the idea of the even will never be admitted by the number three.”
—“No.”
—“Then three has no part in the even.”
—“No, it has none.”
—“Then the number three is uneven.”
—“Yes.”
—“Now I propose to determine what things, without being the opposites of something, nevertheless refuse to admit it, as the number three, though it is not the opposite of the idea of even, nevertheless refuses to admit it, but always brings forward its opposite against it, and |105a| as the number two brings forward the opposite of the odd and fire that of cold, and so forth, for there are plenty of examples. Now see if you accept this statement: not only will opposites not admit their opposites, but nothing which brings an opposite to that which it approaches will ever admit in itself the oppositeness of that which is brought. Now let me refresh your memory; for there is no harm in repetition. The number five will not admit the idea of the even, nor will ten, the double of five, admit the idea of the odd. Now ten is not itself an opposite, and yet it will not admit the idea of the odd; |105b| and so one-and-a-half and other mixed fractions and one-third and other simple fractions reject the idea of the whole. Do you go with me and agree to this?”
—“Yes, I agree entirely,” he said, “and am with you.”
  Phaedo 104c–105b, c. liii. Let us define these ideas more closely. Such an idea is not itself one of two opposite ideas; nevertheless, into whatsoever particulars it informs it carries along with it one of these opposites; so that the particulars are called not only by the name of their own idea, but by the name of this opposite also; nor can they admit the other opposite without ceasing to be what they are. For instance three particulars are three by participation in the ideal triad; but they are also odd, because the triad always carries with it the idea of oddness. Consequently they can never admit the idea of even without ceasing to be three. Of this a number of other examples are given.
  It might be thought that in the last chapter we had already a sufficient account of these ideas. But in the present chapter one important addition is made. Now we not only say of the ἄλλ᾽ ἄττα, that they ἔχει τὰ ἐναντία, but also that they ἐπιφέρει τὰ ἐναντία εἰς ὄ τι ἂν κατάσχῃ. This is a necessary corollary to the foregoing; but Plato desires to bring it out as prominently as possible, because this is the point at which the whole argument is aimed. Thus the gist of this chapter lies in its application of the principle to concretes.

Φαιδων, Part 53.

—βούλει οὖν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἐὰν οἷοί τ᾽ ὦμεν, ὁρισώμεθα ὁποῖα ταῦτά ἐστιν;
—πάνυ γε.
|104δ| ἆρ᾽ οὖν, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, τάδε εἴη ἄν, ἃ ὅτι ἂν κατάσχῃ 1 μὴ μόνον ἀναγκάζει τὴν αὑτοῦ ἰδέαν 2 αὐτὸ ἴσχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐναντίου ἀεί τινος; 3
—πῶς λέγεις;
—ὥσπερ ἄρτι ἐλέγομεν. οἶσθα γὰρ δήπου ὅτι ἃ ἂν ἡ τῶν τριῶν ἰδέα κατάσχῃ, ἀνάγκη αὐτοῖς οὐ μόνον τρισὶν εἶναι ἀλλὰ καὶ περιττοῖς.
—πάνυ γε.
—ἐπὶ τὸ τοιοῦτον δή, φαμέν, ἡ ἐναντία ἰδέα ἐκείνῃ τῇ μορφῇ 4 ἣ ἂν τοῦτο ἀπεργάζηται οὐδέποτ᾽ ἂν ἔλθοι.
—οὐ γάρ.
—εἰργάζετο δέ γε ἡ περιττής; 5
—ναί.
—ἐναντία δὲ ταύτῃ ἡ τοῦ ἀρτίου;
—ναί.
|104ε| ἐπὶ τὰ τρία 6 ἄρα ἡ τοῦ ἀρτίου ἰδέα οὐδέποτε ἥξει.
—οὐ δῆτα.
—ἄμοιρα δὴ τοῦ ἀρτίου τὰ τρία.
—ἄμοιρα.
—ἀνάρτιος ἄρα ἡ τριάς. 7
—ναί.
—ὃ τοίνυν ἔλεγον ὁρίσασθαι, 8 ποῖα οὐκ ἐναντία τινὶ ὄντα ὅμως οὐ δέχεται αὐτό, τὸ ἐναντίον 9 —οἷον νῦν ἡ τριὰς τῷ ἀρτίῳ οὐκ οὖσα ἐναντία οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον αὐτὸ δέχεται, τὸ γὰρ ἐναντίον ἀεὶ αὐτῷ ἐπιφέρει, καὶ ἡ δυὰς τῷ περιττῷ καὶ |105α| τὸ πῦρ τῷ ψυχρῷ καὶ ἄλλα πάμπολλα—ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα δὴ εἰ οὕτως ὁρίζῃ, 10 μὴ μόνον τὸ ἐναντίον 11 τὸ ἐναντίον μὴ δέχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκεῖνο, ὃ ἂν ἐπιφέρῃ τι ἐναντίον ἐκείνῳ, ἐφ᾽ ὅτι ἂν αὐτὸ ἴῃ, αὐτὸ τὸ ἐπιφέρον τὴν τοῦ ἐπιφερομένου ἐναντιότητα μηδέποτε δέξασθαι. πάλιν δὲ ἀναμιμνῄσκου: οὐ γὰρ χεῖρον πολλάκις ἀκούειν.
—τὰ πέντε τὴν τοῦ ἀρτίου οὐ δέξεται, οὐδὲ τὰ δέκα τὴν τοῦ περιττοῦ, τὸ διπλάσιον. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν καὶ αὐτὸ ἄλλῳ ἐναντίον, 12 ὅμως δὲ τὴν |105β| τοῦ περιττοῦ οὐ δέξεται: οὐδὲ τὸ ἡμιόλιον 13 οὐδὲ τἆλλα τὰ τοιαῦτα, τὸ ἥμισυ, 14 τὴν τοῦ ὅλου, καὶ τριτημόριον αὖ καὶ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα, εἴπερ ἕπῃ τε καὶ συνδοκεῖ σοι οὕτως.
—πάνυ σφόδρα καὶ συνδοκεῖ, ἔφη, καὶ ἕπομαι.

1 ἃ ὅτι ἂν κατάσχῃ: ‘which, whatever they occupy, compel that to have not only its own idea, but always that of some opposite as well.’ The word κατάσχῃ marks the fresh point: what the idea occupies or informs can be nothing else but particulars.
2 τὴν αὑτοῦ ἰδέαν: i.e. ἐκείνου ὅ τι ἂν κατάσχῃ’ Wohlrab strangely remarks ‘αὐτοῦ bezüglich auf den Plural ἃ’. To say nothing of the grammar, this makes sheer nonsense, representing the idea as the idea of itself. Plato’s meaning is plain enough. The ideal triad, for instance, occupying the concrete three, forces the latter to receive not only the special idea, τριάς, but also the idea of a certain opposite, περιττόν.
3 ἐναντίου ἀεί τινος: There is so much confusion in the mss. that it would be rash to assert confidently what is the true reading. This however gives precisely the sense required and differs from the best mss. only in the omission of αὐτῷ. Notwithstanding that αὐτῷ has overwhelming ms. authority I cannot believe it genuine. The only plan for making sense of it is to read δεῖ with Schmidt for ἀεί. But the phraseology ‘but it also has need of some opposite’ is so glaringly inappropriate that it is incredible that Plato wrote it. I have therefore with the Zurich editors ejected αὐτῷ, which Schanz retains within brackets. Ast’s ἀεί δή τινος is not bad, possibly accounting for the corruption δῆνος.
4 ἐκείνῃ τῇ μορφῇ: see on 103e.
5 εἰργάζετο δέ γε ἡ περιττής: The ms. reading ἡ περιττὴ is surely indefensible. Plato never uses such a phrase as ἡ περιττὴ ἰδέα, which would indeed be something very like nonsense. Probably he wrote either ἡ τοῦ περιττοῦ or ἡ περιττότης: the latter, which was suggested to me by Dr. Jackson, I have ventured to adopt, as the mildest remedy I can find for an evident corruption. Compare 105c οὐκ ἐρῶ ᾧ ἂν περιττότης.
6 ἐπὶ τὰ τρία: i.e. three particulars.
7 ἀνάρτιος ἄρα ἡ τριάς: The word ἀνάρτιος is used instead of περιττὴ to denote the opposition to ἄρτιον involved in the number three: the full significance of this mode of expression will be clear when we come to take the case of ψυχή.
8 ἔλεγον ὁρίσασθαι: Heindorf says ‘ἔλεγον in his, ut saepe, idem fere est quod ἐκέλευον.’ Cf. Aeschylus Agamemnon 955 λέγω κατ’ ἄνδρα, μὴ θεον, σέβειν ἐμέ.
9 οὐ δέχεται αὐτό, τὸ ἐναντίον: There seems no reason for omitting τὸ ἐναντίον. ‘The opposite itself’ is distinguished from the idea which is not, but implies, an opposite: and this is all that is meant by the word αὐτό. Cf. 103b. This seems to be the view of H. Schmidt (Krit Comm. II p. 58), who understands αὐτό ‘nicht in dem streng philosophischen Sinne an sich.’ Stallbaum’s plan of taking to τὸ ἐναντίον in apposition to αὐτό is clumsy.
10 ὅρα δὴ εἰ οὕτως ὁρίζῃ: resumes the sentence begun at ὃ τοίνυν ἔλεγον ὁρίσασθαι, the construction of which is left imperfect.
11 μὴ μόνον τὸ ἐναντίον: ‘that not only does the opposite refuse to admit its opposite, but whatever imports an opposite into that to which itself comes—that very importing idea can never admit the opposite of that which is imported.’ Sokrates here speaks highly ξυγγραφικῶς. Not only will odd refuse to admit even, but the triad, which imports the idea of odd (ἐκεῖνο, ὃ ἂν ἐπιφέρῃ τι ἐναντίον) into whatsoever it enters, will itself (αὐτὸ τὸ ἐπιφέρον) never admit even, the opposite of oddness which is imported by it (τὴν τοῦ ἐπιφερομένου ἐναντιότητα). ἐκείνῳ is to be joined with ἐπιφέρῃ. The present definition differs from that in 104b in the introduction of the word ἐπιφέρειν, which denotes that the principle is now being applied to concretes which are informed by the ideas.
12 τοῦτο μὲν οὖν καὶ αὐτὸ ἄλλῳ [οὐκ] ἐναντίον: The insertion of οὐκ is absolutely necessary: there is no sense in which the number ten can be said to be contrary to anything else. Cf. 104b ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσα οὐκ ὄντα ἀλλήλοις ἐναντία ἔχει ἀεὶ τἀναντία: and 104e. Stalibaum’s defence of the vulgate apparently fails to satisfy even himself.
13 οὐδὲ τὸ ἡμιόλιον: ‘nor will 3/2 and the rest of the fractions whose denominator is 2 accept the idea of whole; nor yet will 1/3 and the fractions whose denominator is 3.’ These last examples do not seem very felicitous, since we have no such definite contrast of opposites as in the case of odd and even. We must however take it thus: 3/2 and 1/3 are not opposites to anything; they contain however the idea of fractionally, which is opposite to that of integrity, therefore they will never admit the latter.
14 τὸ ἥμισυ: Schanz brackets this as a gloss.

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Phaedo, Part 54.

—“Then,” said Sokrates, “please begin again at the beginning. And do not answer my questions in their own words, but do as I do. I give an answer beyond that safe answer which I spoke of at first, now that I see another safe reply deduced from what has just been said. If you ask me what causes anything in which it is to be hot, I will not give |105c| you that safe but stupid answer and say that it is heat, but I can now give a more refined answer, that it is fire; and if you ask, what causes the body in which it is to be ill, I shall not say illness, but fever; and if you ask what causes a number in which it is to be odd, I shall not say oddness, but the number one, and so forth. Do you understand sufficiently what I mean?”
—“Quite sufficiently,” he replied.
—“Now answer,” said he. “What causes the body in which it is to be alive?”
—“The soul,” he replied.
|105d| “Is this always the case?”
—“Yes” said he, “of course.”
—“Then if the soul takes possession of anything it always brings life to it?”
—“Certainly,” he said.
—“Is there anything that is the opposite of life?”
—“Yes,” said he.
—“What”
—“Death.”
—“Now the soul, as we have agreed before, will never admit the opposite of that which it brings with it.”
—“Decidedly not,” said Kebes.
  Phaedo 105b–d, c. liv. We are now enabled to advance beyond our first simple and safe hypothesis. When we are asked what by its immanence makes a thing hot, we shall no longer answer heat, but fire: similarly we shall assign fever as the cause of sickness, not disease; the monad as the cause of numerical imparity, not oddness. Applying this rule, when asked what is the cause of life in the body, Kebes answers soul; for soul contains in her the principle of life which is opposite to death; whence soul can never combine with death.
  We now see the significance of Plato’s insistence on his point that some ideas which are not opposites yet refuse to combine with certain opposites. Soul is not opposite to anything: but she stands in the same relation to the idea of life as fire does to that of heat and the triad to that of oddness.
  It is to be noted that a fourth term is added in this chapter. Hitherto we have had three, e.g. περιττόης, τριάς, τριά: the general idea, the special idea, and the particular informed by the latter: now in addition to these three we have σῶμα in which the particular resides; the fever that seizes on us is not the idea of fever, but a particular fever, which corresponds to τριά, while the idea of fever corresponds to τριάς. Similarly the soul that quickens a particular body corresponds to τριά. Now since this fourth term is itself in no wise material to the argument,—it matters nothing to the immortality of soul whether or not she resides in a body—I conceive the point of it is to emphasise the fact that these particulars too, πυρετὸς and ψυχή with them the ideas of νόσος and ζωή, and consequently refuse to admit their opposites. Hitherto it has only been the special idea which ἐπιφέρει the general idea.

Φαιδων, Part 54.

—πάλιν δή μοι, ἔφη, ἐξ ἀρχῆς λέγε. καὶ μή μοι ὃ ἂν ἐρωτῶ 1 ἀποκρίνου, ἀλλὰ μιμούμενος ἐμέ. λέγω δὴ παρ᾽ ἣν τὸ πρῶτον ἔλεγον ἀπόκρισιν, τὴν ἀσφαλῆ ἐκείνην, 2 ἐκ τῶν νῦν λεγομένων ἄλλην ὁρῶν ἀσφάλειαν. εἰ γὰρ ἔροιό με 3 ᾧ ἂν τί ἐν τῷ σώματι ἐγγένηται θερμὸν ἔσται, οὐ τὴν |105ξ| ἀσφαλῆ σοι ἐρῶ ἀπόκρισιν ἐκείνην τὴν ἀμαθῆ, ὅτι ᾧ ἂν θερμότης, ἀλλὰ κομψοτέραν ἐκ τῶν νῦν, ὅτι ᾧ ἂν πῦρ: οὐδὲ ἂν ἔρῃ ᾧ ἂν σώματι τί ἐγγένηται νοσήσει, οὐκ ἐρῶ ὅτι ᾧ ἂν νόσος, ἀλλ᾽ ᾧ ἂν πυρετός: 4 οὐδ᾽ ᾧ ἂν ἀριθμῷ τί ἐγγένηται περιττὸς ἔσται, οὐκ ἐρῶ ᾧ ἂν περιττότης, ἀλλ᾽ ᾧ ἂν μονάς, 5 καὶ τἆλλα οὕτως. ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα εἰ ἤδη ἱκανῶς οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι βούλομαι.
—ἀλλὰ πάνυ ἱκανῶς, ἔφη.
—ἀποκρίνου δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ᾧ ἂν τί ἐγγένηται σώματι ζῶν ἔσται;
—ὧι ἂν ψυχή, ἔφη.
|105δ| οὐκοῦν ἀεὶ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει;
—πῶς γὰρ οὐχί; ἦ δ᾽ ὅς.
—ψυχὴ ἄρα ὅ τι ἂν αὐτὴ κατάσχῃ, 6 ἀεὶ ἥκει ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνο φέρουσα ζωήν;
—ἥκει μέντοι, ἔφη.
—πότερον δ᾽ ἔστι τι ζωῇ ἐναντίον ἢ οὐδέν;
—ἔστιν, ἔφη.
—τί;
—θάνατος.
—οὐκοῦν ψυχὴ τὸ ἐναντίον ᾧ αὐτὴ ἐπιφέρει ἀεὶ οὐ μή ποτε δέξηται, ὡς ἐκ τῶν πρόσθεν ὡμολόγηται;
—καὶ μάλα σφόδρα, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης.

1 καὶ μή μοι ὃ ἂν ἐρωτῶ: ‘and do not answer in the terms of the questions I put, but following the examples I shall give you’ i.e. to the question, what makes a thing θερμόν? the answer must be, not θερμότης, but πῶρ. The reading in the text has the best ms. authority and gives the best sense.
2 τὴν ἀσφαλῆ ἐκείνην: Cf. 100e ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ ὁτῳοῦν ἄλλῳ ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι τῷ καλῷ τὰ καλὰ γίγνεται καλά. For the use of ἀσφαλὲς cf. Timaeus 50b μακρῷ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἀσφαλέστατον εἰπεῖν ὅτι χρυσός.
3 εἰ γὰρ ἔροιό με: ‘were you to ask me what must be inherent in a body to make it hot.’ Stallbaum seems right in bracketing ἐν τῷ: we thus have the same phrase three times over, with a slight variation in the order of the words. Schanz and others include σώματι in the bracket; but it seems quite as much in place here as in the two passages below.
4 ᾧ ἂν πυρετός: i.e. he will specify the particular kind of sickness instead of using the general term: as Prof. Geddes puts it, the species is substituted for the genus.
5 ᾧ ἂν μονάς: Similarly, instead of assigning περιττότης as the cause of oddness in a number, he will assign the idea of that particular odd number, whatever it may be: μονάς, like πυρετός, is merely given as an example.
6 ὅτι ἂν αὐτὴ κατάσχῃ: It is to be noted that the usage of κατάσχῃ here is different from that in 104d. The soul does not occupy the body in the sense in which τριὰς occupies τρία: the triad is the cause why the three are three, the soul is not the cause why body is body, but the cause why it is alive. The difference lies in this: the triad is the idea of three; the soul which quickens the body is not the idea of soul, but a particular soul, just as the fever is a particular fever. Thus we have the following terms, (1) the idea of life, (2) the idea of soul, which carries the idea of life to particular souls, (3) the particular soul, which vivifies the body, (4) the body in which is displayed this vivifying power. It is true that an idea of soul is a metaphysical monstrosity; but we cannot escape it here, first because otherwise Plato’s elaborate parallel breaks down, secondly because in the earlier Platonism an idea of soul is inevitable. Wherever there is a group of particulars called by the same name, we are told in the Republic, there is an idea corresponding: therefore since there are particular ψυχαί there must be αὐτὸ ὃ ἓστι ψυχαί. This is one of the errors which Plato rectifies in his later dialogues; for the present we must bear with it. The whole point of this sentence is that not only the idea of soul but also a particular soul ἐπιφέρει ζωήν, and accordingly to τὸ ἐναντίον ᾧ αὐτὴ ἐπιφέρει ἀεὶ οὐ μή ποτε δέξηται.

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Phaedo, Part 55.

—“Then what do we now call that which does not admit the idea of the even?”
—“Uneven,” said he.
—“And those which do not admit justice and music?”
|105e| “Unjust,” he replied, “and unmusical.”
—“Well then what do we call that which does not admit death?”
—“Deathless or immortal,” he said.
—“And the soul does not admit death?”
—“No.”
—“Then the soul is immortal.”
—“Yes.”
—“Very well,” said he. “Shall we say then that this is proved?”
—“Yes, and very satisfactorily, Sokrates.”
—“Well then, Kebes,” said he, “if the odd were necessarily imperishable, |106a| would not the number three be imperishable?”
—“Of course.”
—“And if that which is without heat were imperishable, would not snow go away whole and unmelted whenever heat was brought in conflict with snow? For it could not have been destroyed, nor could it have remained and admitted the heat.”
—“That is very true,” he replied.
—“In the same way, I think, if that which is without cold were imperishable, whenever anything cold approached fire, it would never perish or be quenched, but would go away unharmed.”
—“Necessarily,” he said.
|106b| “And must not the same be said of that which is immortal? If the immortal is also imperishable, it is impossible for the soul to perish when death comes against it. For, as our argument has shown, it will not admit death and will not be dead, just as the number three, we said, will not be even, and the odd will not be even, and as fire, and the heat in the fire, will not be cold. But, one might say, why is it not possible that the odd does not become even when the even comes against it (we agreed to that), but perishes, |106c| and the even takes its place? Now we cannot silence him who raises this question by saying that it does not perish, for the odd is not imperishable. If that were conceded to us, we could easily silence him by saying that when the even approaches, the odd and the number three go away; and we could make the corresponding reply about fire and heat and the rest, could we not?”
—“Certainly.”
—“And so, too, in the case of the immortal; if it is conceded that the immortal is imperishable, the soul would be imperishable as well as immortal, |106d| but if not, further argument is needed.”
—“But,” he said, “it is not needed, so far as that is concerned; for surely nothing would escape destruction, if the immortal, which is everlasting, is perishable.”
  Phaedo 105d–106d, c. lv. As then that which will not admit even is uneven, so that which will not admit death, namely soul, is deathless. Now if the negation of even or of heat or of cold necessarily implied indestructibility, then three and snow and fire would not perish at the approach of the opposite to the idea contained in them, but would merely withdraw from it. This however is not the case: these negations do not imply indestructibility; therefore three and snow and fire can cease to exist at the approach of the opposite. But the negation of death does imply indestructibility: soul therefore, on the approach of death, not only refuses to admit it, but also refuses to perish: soul is thus not only deathless but indestructible. Indeed if the eternal principle of life could perish, then there is nothing in existence that should not perish.
  We have seen that πῦρ and τρία, on the approach of cold or evenness, had two alternatives open to them, either ὑπεκχωρεῖν or ἀπόλλυσθαι: what is not open to them is δέχεσθαι τὸ ἐναντίον. Therefore if in any case ἀπόλλυσθαι were identified with δέχεσθαι τὸ ἐναντίον, it would necessarily be precluded. In the foregoing instances this is not so: ἀπόλλυσθαι is not identical with δέχεσθαι ψυχρὸν nor with δέχεσθαι ἄρτιον. Consequently both alternatives are open to πῦρ and τρία. But in the case of ψυχὴ this identification actually occurs: δέχεσθαι τὸ ἐναντίον is for the principle of life δέχεσθαι θάνατον: ἀπόλλυσθαι is the same as δέχεσθαι θάνατον: therefore, since δέχεσθαι θάνατον is precluded, so also is ἀπόλλυσθαι; else we should find soul doing what we have agreed is impossible, viz. admitting the opposite idea to the idea contained in it.

Φαιδων, Part 55.
—τί οὖν; τὸ μὴ δεχόμενον τὴν τοῦ ἀρτίου ἰδέαν τί νυν δὴ ταῦτα 1 ὠνομάζομεν;
—ἀνάρτιον, ἔφη.
—τὸ δὲ δίκαιον μὴ δεχόμενον καὶ ὃ ἂν μουσικὸν μὴ δέχηται;
|105ε| ἄμουσον, ἔφη, τὸ δὲ ἄδικον.
—εἶεν: ὃ δ᾽ ἂν θάνατον μὴ δέχηται τί καλοῦμεν;
—ἀθάνατον, ἔφη.
—οὐκοῦν ψυχὴ οὐ δέχεται θάνατον;
—οὔ.
—ἀθάνατον ἄρα ἡ ψυχή. 2
—ἀθάνατον.
—εἶεν, ἔφη: τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ἀποδεδεῖχθαι φῶμεν; 3 ἢ πῶς δοκεῖ;
—καὶ μάλα γε ἱκανῶς, ὦ Σώκρατες.
—τί οὖν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὦ Κέβης; εἰ τῷ ἀναρτίῳ ἀναγκαῖον ἦν |106α| ἀνωλέθρῳ εἶναι, ἄλλο τι τὰ τρία ἢ ἀνώλεθρα ἂν ἦν;
—πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
—οὐκοῦν εἰ καὶ τὸ ἄθερμον 4 ἀναγκαῖον ἦν ἀνώλεθρον εἶναι, ὁπότε τις ἐπὶ χιόνα θερμὸν ἐπάγοι, ὑπεξῄει ἂν ἡ χιὼν οὖσα σῶς καὶ ἄτηκτος; οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀπώλετό γε, οὐδ᾽ αὖ ὑπομένουσα ἐδέξατο ἂν τὴν θερμότητα.
—ἀληθῆ, ἔφη, λέγεις.
—ὣς δ᾽ αὔτως οἶμαι κἂν εἰ τὸ [ἄψυκτον] ἄψυχρον 5 ἀνώλεθρον ἦν, ὁπότε ἐπὶ τὸ πῦρ ψυχρόν τι ἐπῄει, οὔποτ᾽ ἂν ἀπεσβέννυτο οὐδ᾽ ἀπώλλυτο, ἀλλὰ σῶν ἂν ἀπελθὸν ᾤχετο.
—ἀνάγκη, ἔφη.
|106β| οὐκοῦν καὶ ὧδε, ἔφη, ἀνάγκη περὶ τοῦ ἀθανάτου εἰπεῖν; εἰ μὲν τὸ ἀθάνατον 6 καὶ ἀνώλεθρόν ἐστιν, ἀδύνατον ψυχῇ, ὅταν θάνατος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἴῃ, ἀπόλλυσθαι: θάνατον μὲν γὰρ δὴ ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων οὐ δέξεται οὐδ᾽ ἔσται τεθνηκυῖα, 7 ὥσπερ τὰ τρία οὐκ ἔσται, ἔφαμεν, ἄρτιον, οὐδέ γ᾽ αὖ τὸ περιττόν, οὐδὲ δὴ πῦρ ψυχρόν, οὐδέ γε ἡ ἐν τῷ πυρὶ θερμότης. ‘ἀλλὰ τί κωλύει,’ φαίη ἄν τις, ‘ἄρτιον μὲν τὸ περιττὸν μὴ γίγνεσθαι ἐπιόντος τοῦ ἀρτίου, ὥσπερ ὡμολόγηται, |106ξ| ἀπολομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου ἄρτιον γεγονέναι;’ τῷ ταῦτα λέγοντι οὐκ ἂν ἔχοιμεν διαμαχέσασθαι ὅτι οὐκ ἀπόλλυται: τὸ γὰρ ἀνάρτιον οὐκ ἀνώλεθρόν ἐστιν: ἐπεὶ εἰ τοῦτο ὡμολόγητο 8 ἡμῖν, ῥᾳδίως ἂν διεμαχόμεθα ὅτι ἐπελθόντος τοῦ ἀρτίου τὸ περιττὸν καὶ τὰ τρία οἴχεται ἀπιόντα: καὶ περὶ πυρὸς καὶ θερμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οὕτως ἂν διεμαχόμεθα. ἢ οὔ;
—πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
—οὐκοῦν καὶ νῦν περὶ τοῦ ἀθανάτου, εἰ μὲν ἡμῖν ὁμολογεῖται καὶ ἀνώλεθρον εἶναι, ψυχὴ ἂν εἴη πρὸς τῷ ἀθάνατος 9 εἶναι |106δ| καὶ ἀνώλεθρος: εἰ δὲ μή, ἄλλου ἂν δέοι λόγου.
—ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν δεῖ, ἔφη, τούτου γε ἕνεκα: σχολῇ γὰρ ἄν 10 τι ἄλλο φθορὰν μὴ δέχοιτο, 11 εἰ τό γε ἀθάνατον ἀίδιον ὂν φθορὰν δέξεται. 12

1 τί νυν δὴ ταῦτα: ταῦτα is in BCD, omitted by Z. and St. Schanz cites Alcibiades I 109c πρὸς ταῦτ’ ἄρα, τὸ δίκαιον, τοὺς λόγους ποιήσῃ.
2 ἀθάνατον ἄρα ἡ ψυχή: It is necessary to distinguish very carefully the meaning of ἀθάνατον. All it denotes here is ὃ δ᾽ ἂν θάνατον μὴ δέχηται: it is that which contains the opposite idea to θάνατος, as ἀνάρτιον contains the opposite idea to ἄρτιον. It signifies in fact not what soul is but what she is not; and for the present we must dissociate the word from the positive notion of imperishability. We are now merely expressing the particular ἐναντίον which soul will not admit; that the exclusion of this ἐναντίον involves indestructibility is an inference we do not reach until we declare that ἀθάνατον = ἀνώλεθρον. Wyttenbach accurately says ‘ἀθάνατον hic dicitur ὃ δ᾽ ἂν θάνατον μὴ δέχηται: ἀνόλεθρον, quod superveniente contrario οὐκ ἀπώλλυται.’ For a somewhat similar subtlety compare Aristotle Topica VI vi 145b 21 following, where ἀθάνατον is regarded as logically distinguishable, though not actually separable, from ἄφθάνατον.
3 τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ἀποδεδεῖχθαι φῶμεν: What has been demonstrated is, not the eternal existence of soul, which is a subsequent inference, but that soul contains the opposite idea to death. Dead soul would be analogous to cold fire or even three. It must be borne in mind that ψυχὴ means the principle of life: a dead vital principle is a contradiction in terms. That this is only a preliminary step to the final induction is marked by the τοῦτο μὲν.
4 εἰ τὸ ἄθερμον: If τὸ ἄθερμον were necessarily indestructible—that is, if ὄλεθρος were the opposite idea to ἄθερμον, then snow, as containing ἄθερμον, would not have the alternative of perishing on the approach of its opposite; it must withdraw whole and unmelted. Χιὼν ἀπολομένη would then be as impossible as χιὼν θερμὴ is now.
5 εἰ τὸ ἄψυχρον: The correction ἄψυχρον, suggested by Wyttenbach, seems to me certain. In order to formulate his antitheses with the utmost precision, Plato has coined the words ἀνάρτιον and ἄθερμον, to express the direct opposites of ἄρτιον and θερμόν: it seems hardly doubtful that he also coined the word ἄψυχρον to express the direct opposite of ψυχρόν. ἄψυκτον, as Wyttenbach says, is the counterpart of ἀθέρμαντον, not of ἄθερμον: and in a passage where Plato is choosing his terms with such extreme nicety the slightest failure in fitness is not to be tolerated. It is surprising that Wyttenbach’s admirable correction has been so completely ignored by subsequent editors. Dr. Jackson, independently of Wyttenbach, made the same emendation. ἄψυχρον is confirmed by the corrupt reading ψυχρόν in Stobaeus Ecl. I 814.
6 εἰ μὲν τὸ ἀθάνατον: The inference that soul is immortal is not yet definitely drawn, but is based upon the two statements made in this sentence, (1) soul is ἀθάνατον, i.e. she cannot combine with death and so become dead soul; (2) therefore if ἀθάνατον involves ἀνώλεθρον, soul is ἀνώλεθρον, i.e. she cannot perish. When these two propositions are put side by side, it becomes obvious that the refusal of the soul to admit death implies her indestructibility, since we know that ἀθάνατον does involve ἀνώλεθρον.
7 οὐδ᾽ ἔσται τεθνηκυῖα: It is noteworthy that τεθνηκυῖα has a different sense here from that of τεθνηκὸς in the discussion at 71c: there it implied merely the state of separation of soul and body, but here denotes the actual destruction of the soul.
8 εἰ τοῦτο ὡμολόγητο: sc. τὸ ἀνάρτιον ἀνώλεθρόν εἷναι: that in the case of ἀνάρτιον, ἀπόλλυσθαι is equivalent to δέχεσθαι τὸ ἐναντίον, sc. ἄρτιον.
9 πρὸς τῷ ἀθάνατος: At last we have the inference definitely stated. Since soul will not admit the opposite of its immanent idea, and since that opposite is death, soul, being deathless, must be imperishable.
10 σχολῇ γὰρ ἄν: Here we have the fundamental postulate on which the whole argument rests: viz. that energy cannot be annihilated. All other things, being but forms of energy, may make way for their opposites, since their conversion into the opposite state involves not destruction but simply modification of energy. But vital principle is energy itself, therefore its conversion into the opposite state would mean conversion into non-energy, i.e. annihilation of energy. Plato is simply applying to spirit the principle which the older physicists laid down for matter, and which Persius formulates in the words ‘ex nihilo nihil, in nihilum nil posse reverti.’ Similarly we have in 72d εἰ γὰρ ἐκ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων τὰ ζῶντα γίγνοιτο, τὰ δὲ ζῶντα θνῄσκοι, τίς μηχανὴ μὴ οὐχὶ πάντα καταναλωθῆναι εἰς τὸ τεθνάναι; Compare Phaedrus 245d-e τοῦτο δὲ οὔτ᾽ ἀπόλλυσθαι οὔτε γίγνεσθαι δυνατόν, ἢ πάντα τε οὐρανὸν πᾶσάν τε γῆν εἰς ἓν συμπεσοῦσαν στῆναι καὶ μήποτε αὖθις ἔχειν ὅθεν κινηθέντα γενήσεται.
11 μὴ δέχοιτο: It is easier to feel the correctness of μὴ than to explain it grammatically. The meaning is ‘hardly could there be anything else incapable of admitting destruction, if the immortal, being eternal, will admit it.’ φμὴ δέχοιτο θορὰν is in fact equivalent to εἴη τὸ μὴ δεχόμενον φθοράν. Wohlrab compares Cratylus 429d Πῶς γὰρ ἄν, ὦ Σώκρατες, λέγων γέ τις τοῦτο ὃ λέγει, μὴ τὸ ὂν λέγοι; Add Gorgias 510d τίνα ἂν τρόπον ἐγὼ μέγα δυναίμην καὶ μηδείς με ἀδικοίη. Also Thucydides vi 18 ὥστε τί ἂν λέγοντες εἰκὸς ἢ αὐτοὶ ἀποκνοῖμεν ἢ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχους σκηπτόμενοι μὴ βοηθοῖμεν; {In this state of things what reason can we give to ourselves for holding back, or what excuse can we offer to our allies for not helping them?}. For the form of the sentence Dr. Jackson compares Protagoras 330d-5 σχολῇ μεντἄν τι ἄλλο ὅσιον εἴη, εἰ μὴ αὐτή γε ἡ ὁσιότης ὅσιον ἔσται.
12 εἰ τό γε ἀθάνατον ἀίδιον ὂν φθορὰν δέξεται = εἰ ἐθέλει or μέλλει δέξεσθαι. The distinction between εἰ with future indicative and ἐὰν with subjunctive is apt to be overlooked. The former is constantly used as an equivalent to εἰ μέλλει, or even εἰ χρή with infinitive; and the substitution of ἐὰν would be, as here, impossible. It were easy to multiply instances, but one may suffice: Aristophanes Frogs 1460 εὕρισκε νὴ Δί᾽, εἴπερ ἀναδύσει πάλιν, ‘you must find something, if you mean to go on earth again.’ Cf. Timaeus 31a. This usage is recognised by Prof. Goodwin, Moods and Tenses §49, 1, note 3; he, however, regards a number of cases as falling into the class of ordinary future conditions equivalent to ἐὰν with subjunctive (§50). I cannot but think that such cases are very rare: nearly if not quite all of the instances he quotes might be taken the other way; especially Isokrates Archidamos §107, where εἰ δὲ φοβησόμεθα {‘if we are willing to die for our just rights’} is, I conceive, precisely parallel to ἢν ἐθέλωμεν ἀποθνῄσκειν: ‘if we mean to be cowards.’
  Here it may be convenient to give concisely a synopsis of the reasoning in chapters l–lv. After agreeing that the truth of immortality will be best established if we can show that it is a legitimate deduction from the theory of ideas, we set forth thus: (1) particulars partake successively, or even simultaneously, of contrary ideas, but the idea itself can never admit its opposite, but at the approach thereof either withdraws or perishes; and this applies both to ideas as existing in nature and as immanent in particulars: (2) there is a second set of ideas, not being themselves opposites, but containing opposite ideas; no such idea can admit the opposite of the idea it contains, but either withdraws or perishes; e.g. the triad contains the idea of odd and cannot admit that of even: (3) particulars which one of this second class of ideas informs can never admit the opposite of the contained idea; e.g. three things can never be even: (4) if in any such instance refusal to admit the opposite necessarily involved indestructibility, we could predicate immortality of that which refused to admit it; e.g. if refusal to admit evenness involved indestructibility, three would be imperishable; but since this is not so, three may perish at the approach of evenness: (5) but in the case of soul refusal to admit the opposite of its contained idea does involve indestructibility, since the contained idea is life, whose opposite is death; and that which will not admit death is imperishable: soul therefore on the approach of death has not the option of perishing, but must adopt the other alternative, ὑπεκχωρεῖν {‘being gotten out of the way’}. Else, if the principle of life perished, nothing could be found to resist destruction.

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Phaedo, Part 56.

—“All, I think,” said Sokrates, “would agree that God and the Principle of life, and anything else that is immortal, can never perish.”
—“All men would, certainly,” said he, “and still more, I fancy, the Gods.”
—“Since, then, the immortal |106e| is also indestructible, would not the soul, if it is immortal, be also imperishable?”
—“Necessarily.”
—“Then when death comes to a man, his mortal part, it seems, dies, but the immortal part goes away unharmed and undestroyed, withdrawing from death.”
—“So it seems.”
—“Then, Kebes,” said he, “it is perfectly certain |107a| that the soul is immortal and imperishable, and our souls will exist somewhere in another world.”
—“I,” said Kebes, “have nothing more to say against that, and I cannot doubt your conclusions. But if Simmias, or anyone else, has anything to say, he would do well to speak, for I do not know to what other time than the present he could defer speaking, if he wishes to say or hear anything about those matters.”
—“But,” said Simmias, “I don’t see how I can doubt, either, as to the result of the discussion; but the subject is so great, |107b| and I have such a poor opinion of human weakness, that I cannot help having some doubt in my own mind about what has been said.”
—“Not only that, Simmias,” said Sokrates, “but our first assumptions ought to be more carefully examined, even though they seem to you to be certain. And if you analyze them completely, you will, I think, follow and agree with the argument, so far as it is possible for man to do so. And if this is made clear, you will seek no farther.”
—“That is true,” he said.
  Phaedo 106d–107b, c. lvi. Thus from the general principle that all things which refuse to admit death are indestructible we infer that soul can never perish: when death comes upon a man, his mortal part perishes, but his soul withdraws, making way for death, while she herself is saved alive. It must be then that our souls live in Hades. Kebes is now fully convinced: Simmias cannot controvert the reasoning of Sokrates but still feels misgivings; whereupon Sokrates encourages him to sift the matter until he is thoroughly satisfied.

Φαιδων, Part 56.

—ὁ δέ γε θεὸς 1 οἶμαι, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς ζωῆς εἶδος καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀθάνατόν ἐστιν, παρὰ πάντων ἂν ὁμολογηθείη μηδέποτε ἀπόλλυσθαι.
—παρὰ πάντων μέντοι νὴ Δί᾽, ἔφη, ἀνθρώπων τέ γε καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, παρὰ θεῶν.
|106ε| ὁπότε δὴ τὸ ἀθάνατον καὶ ἀδιάφθορόν ἐστιν, ἄλλο τι ψυχὴ ἤ, εἰ ἀθάνατος τυγχάνει οὖσα, καὶ ἀνώλεθρος ἂν εἴη;
—πολλὴ ἀνάγκη.
—ἐπιόντος ἄρα θανάτου ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸ μὲν θνητόν, ὡς ἔοικεν, αὐτοῦ ἀποθνῄσκει, 2 τὸ δ᾽ ἀθάνατον σῶν καὶ ἀδιάφθορον οἴχεται ἀπιόν, ὑπεκχωρῆσαν τῷ θανάτῳ.
—φαίνεται.
—παντὸς μᾶλλον ἄρα, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης, ψυχὴ ἀθάνατον καὶ |107α| ἀνώλεθρον, 3 καὶ τῷ ὄντι ἔσονται ἡμῶν αἱ ψυχαὶ ἐν Ἅιδου.
—οὔκουν ἔγωγε, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη, ἔχω παρὰ ταῦτα ἄλλο τι λέγειν οὐδέ πῃ ἀπιστεῖν τοῖς λόγοις. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ δή τι Σιμμίας ὅδε ἤ τις ἄλλος ἔχει λέγειν, εὖ ἔχει μὴ κατασιγῆσαι: ὡς οὐκ οἶδα εἰς ὅντινά τις ἄλλον καιρὸν ἀναβάλλοιτο 4 ἢ τὸν νῦν παρόντα, περὶ τῶν τοιούτων βουλόμενος ἤ τι εἰπεῖν ἢ ἀκοῦσαι.
—ἀλλὰ μήν, ἦ δ᾽ ὃς ὁ Σιμμίας, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἔχω ἔτι ὅπῃ ἀπιστῶ ἔκ γε τῶν λεγομένων: ὑπὸ μέντοι τοῦ μεγέθους περὶ |107β| ὧν οἱ λόγοι εἰσίν, καὶ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην ἀσθένειαν ἀτιμάζων, 5 ἀναγκάζομαι ἀπιστίαν ἔτι ἔχειν παρ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ περὶ τῶν εἰρημένων.
—οὐ μόνον γε, 6 ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία, ὁ Σωκράτης, ἀλλὰ ταῦτά τε εὖ λέγεις καὶ τάς γε ὑποθέσεις τὰς πρώτας, καὶ εἰ πισταὶ ὑμῖν εἰσιν, ὅμως ἐπισκεπτέα σαφέστερον: 7 καὶ ἐὰν αὐτὰς 8 ἱκανῶς διέλητε, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, ἀκολουθήσετε τῷ λόγῳ, καθ᾽ ὅσον δυνατὸν μάλιστ᾽ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐπακολουθῆσαι: κἂν τοῦτο αὐτὸ σαφὲς γένηται, οὐδὲν ζητήσετε περαιτέρω.
—ἀληθῆ, ἔφη, λέγεις.

1 ὁ δέ γε θεὸς: We must identify θεὸς with absolute universal mind, the νοῦς βασιλεὺς of the Philebus, the mythical δημιουργός {demiurgos = creator} of the Timaeus. Eternity cannot be ascribed either to the deities of popular worship or to those of Plato’s cosmology: see Timaeus 41b, creator: δι’ ἃ καὶ ἐπείπερ γεγένησθε, ἀθάνατοι μὲν οὐκ ἐστὲ οὐδ’ ἄλυτοι τὸ πάμπαν, οὔτι μὲν δὴ λυθήσεσθέ γε οὐδὲ τεύξεσθε θανάτου μοίρας, τῆς ἐμῆς βουλήσεως μείζονος ἔτι δεσμοῦ καὶ κυριωτέρου λαχόντες ἐκείνων οἷς ὅτ’ ἐγίγνεσθε συνεδεῖσθε {ye also, seeing that ye were generated, are not wholly immortal or indissoluble, yet in no wise shall ye be dissolved nor incur the doom of death, seeing that in my will ye possess a bond greater and more sovereign than the bonds wherewith, at your birth, ye were bound together}. In the final development of Plato’s system we find that God, the idea of life, and universal soul are identical: ψυχὴ alone of all things is αὐτοκίνητον καὶ ἀθάνατον {self-moving and immortal}. This identification however is not to be found in the Phaedo: it belongs to the consummated idealism of the Philebus and Timaeus.
2 ἀποθνῄσκει: Here again the word denotes annihilation; not as in 71c.
3 ἀθάνατον καὶ ἀνώλεθρον The distinction made in the last chapter between ἀθάνατον and ἀνώλεθρον {immortal and indestructible} must be carefully borne in mind.
4 εἰς ὅντινά τις ἄλλον καιρὸν ἀναβάλλοιτο: It is needless, as I think, to insert ἄν: this use of the optative both in direct and indirect questions is established by a number of indubitable instances, and probably ought to be retained in some other cases where the editors introduce ἄν. It seems rash to assume in the face of much strong ms. evidence that the old use of the optative had entirely died out in Attic Greek. With the present example Wohlrab compares Euthydemus 296e οὐκ ἔχω ὑμῖν πῶς ἀμφισβητοίην. A case in direct interrogation is Gorgias 492b τί [ἂν] τῇ ἀληθείᾳ αἴσχιον καὶ κάκιον εἴη; In both these passages some would insert ἂν; but it is not so easy to dispose of cases like Aeschylus Choephoroe 172 {λέγοις ἄν: ὀρχεῖται δὲ καρδία φόβῳ = Speak—but my heart is dancing with fear} and several other passages in tragedy. In Sophocles Oedipus at Colonus 170 {θύγατερ, ποῖ τις φροντίδος ἔλθῃ;} the Laurentian has ποῖ τις φροντίδος ἔλθοι {We must conform us to the people’s will, yielding ere they compel}; The force is very much the same as that of the ‘deliberative’ subjunctive; but there is a distinction closely analogous to that drawn by Prof. Goodwin between ἐὰν γένηται and εἰ γένοιτο: the optative expresses a conception less vivid and more vague. The following words ἢ τὸν νῦν παρόντα are very needlessly bracketed by Hirschig.
5 τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην ἀσθένειαν ἀτιμάζων: ‘through distrust of human fallibility.’ Cf. 85d. The contrast between the clear-headed logician Kebes and the somewhat vague-minded Simmias is well brought out here. Kebes, sceptical as he is, has found an argument that in his judgment is free from flaw; he therefore freely accepts its consequences: Simmias still hesitates, not because he can find any defect in the reasoning, but rather because the ‘child in him’ cannot be soothed by reason. A good piece of dialectic does not come home to him as to his friend. Sokrates, it may be noticed, while commending his caution, points out what it ought to lead to: not to sighing over human weakness, but to a vigorous examination of the ὑποθέσεις {hypothesis}.
6 οὐ μόνον γε: ‘yes, Simmias, and not only so, but, besides what you have just so rightly suggested, you should also, however secure they may seem to you, nevertheless re-examine our first premisses.’—Cope. There seems no sufficient reason for ejecting ταῦτά τε εὖ λέγεις as Hirschig would do: nor can Ast’s ταῦτά γε εἰ λέγεις be commended.
7 ὅμως ἐπισκεπτέα σαφέστερον: I have followed Schanz in accepting this correction: the vulgate ἐπισκεπτέαι involves an anacoluthon so harsh as to amount to bad writing.
8 καὶ ἐὰν αὐτὰς: ‘and if you succeed in analysing them satisfactorily, you will follow up the reasoning, so far as it is possible for man to follow; and only when the result becomes perfectly plain will you cease to prosecute your search.’ κἂν τοῦτ’ αὐτὸ σαφὲς γένηται, i.e. if the security of the hypothesis and the validity of the deductions from them become plain, then only you will be justified in relaxing your efforts.

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Phaedo, Part 57.

—“But my friends,” he said, “we ought to bear in mind, |107c| that, if the soul is immortal, we must care for it, not only in respect to this time, which we call life, but in respect to all time, and if we neglect it, the danger now appears to be terrible. For if death were an escape from everything, it would be a boon to the wicked, for when they die they would be freed from the body and from their wickedness together with their souls. But now, since the soul is seen to be immortal, it cannot escape |107d| from evil or be saved in any other way than by becoming as good and wise as possible. For the soul takes with it to the other world nothing but its education and nurture, and these are said to benefit or injure the departed greatly from the very beginning of his journey thither. And so it is said that after death, the tutelary genius of each person, to whom he had been allotted in life, leads him to a place where the dead are gathered together; then they are judged and depart to the other world |107e| with the guide whose task it is to conduct thither those who come from this world; and when they have there received their due and remained through the time appointed, another guide brings them back after many long periods of time. And the journey is not as Telephus says in the play of Aeschylus; |108a| for he says a simple path leads to the lower world, but I think the path is neither simple nor single, for if it were, there would be no need of guides, since no one could miss the way to any place if there were only one road. But really there seem to be many forks of the road and many windings; this I infer from the rites and ceremonies practiced here on earth. Now the orderly and wise soul follows its guide and understands its circumstances; but the soul that is desirous of the body, as I said before, flits about it, and in the visible world for a long time, |108b| and after much resistance and many sufferings is led away with violence and with difficulty by its appointed genius. And when it arrives at the place where the other souls are, the soul which is impure and has done wrong, by committing wicked murders or other deeds akin to those and the works of kindred souls, is avoided and shunned by all, and no one is willing to be its companion or its guide, |108c| but it wanders about alone in utter bewilderment, during certain fixed times, after which it is carried by necessity to its fitting habitation. But the soul that has passed through life in purity and righteousness, finds gods for companions and guides, and goes to dwell in its proper dwelling. Now there are many wonderful regions of the earth, and the earth itself is neither in size nor in other respects such as it is supposed to be by those who habitually discourse about it, as I believe on someone’s authority.”
  Phaedo 107b–114c, cc. lvii—lxii. Now follows the myth setting forth the conformation of the earth and the fate of souls in the underworld. Seeing that the soul is immortal, earnest indeed should be the care we bestow upon her training; for upon that will depend her happiness and misery for all time. The ways of Hades are many and intricate; but the soul that has studied death will find herself at home there, and guided by her attendant genius to the place of judgment will pass her appointed sojourn in the companionship of gods: but the impure will be without friend or companion. To realise what regions the soul enters after death, we must understand the true form of the earth. It is a sphere in equilibrium at the centre of the heavens: the part we inhabit is but a small cavity on its surface, filled with the coarser sediment of air which gathers in it. We have no idea that we dwell in such a hollow, but fancy we are on the surface and that our atmosphere is the true air; but could we mount to the surface, we should see how murky and impure is our dwelling compared with that bright region. We should see the earth’s surface splendid with zones of the most brilliant colours, of which ours are a faint image, precious stones, all bathed in purest aether, untouched by decay; and the dwellers thereon are free from age and sickness, and the gods come to dwell among them. There are many other hollows on the earth besides ours, greater and less, having subterranean communication; but the greatest of all is called Tartaros, which is pierced right through the earth from side to side. From this all rivers issue forth, and into it they all return; and a great pulse sways up and down Tartaros, carrying with it all the air and liquid that are therein, and it replenishes now the rivers that are on one side the earth, now those on the other. All the rivers fall again into Tartaros at a lower point than they flowed out; but not lower than the centre, from which in all directions it is an ascent. Of these rivers the four greatest are Okeanos, Acheron, Pyriphlegethon, and Styx, which flow in many tortuous windings, some beneath the earth and some on its surface. So when the souls of the departed come to judgment, they whose lives have been moderately good proceed to Acheron and dwell there till they are cleansed of any guilt that clings to them; but they whose wickedness is past cure are hurled into Tartaros, whence they come forth no more. All whose guilt is heinous but not yet beyond remedy dwell in Tartaros for a year, and then are cast forth by one of the rivers, on whose banks they meet those they have wronged. Then if they can win the pardon of these, they come forth and are purified; but if not, they return to Tartaros for another period; and this they continue to do until they have gained their pardon. But all that have lived in perfect holiness ascend to the earth’s true surface, where they dwell henceforth in bliss and purity.

Φαιδων, Part 57.
|107ξ| ἀλλὰ τόδε γ᾽, ἔφη, ὦ ἄνδρες, δίκαιον διανοηθῆναι, ὅτι, εἴπερ ἡ ψυχὴ ἀθάνατος, ἐπιμελείας δὴ δεῖται οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ χρόνου τούτου μόνον ἐν ᾧ καλοῦμεν τὸ ζῆν, 1 ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ παντός, καὶ ὁ κίνδυνος νῦν δὴ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν δεινὸς εἶναι, εἴ τις αὐτῆς ἀμελήσει. 2 εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν ὁ θάνατος τοῦ παντὸς ἀπαλλαγή, ἕρμαιον ἂν ἦν τοῖς κακοῖς ἀποθανοῦσι τοῦ τε σώματος ἅμ᾽ ἀπηλλάχθαι καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν κακίας 3 μετὰ τῆς ψυχῆς: νῦν δ᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἀθάνατος φαίνεται οὖσα, οὐδεμία ἂν |107δ| εἴη αὐτῇ ἄλλη ἀποφυγὴ κακῶν οὐδὲ σωτηρία πλὴν τοῦ ὡς βελτίστην τε καὶ φρονιμωτάτην γενέσθαι.
—οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄλλο ἔχουσα 4 εἰς Ἅιδου ἡ ψυχὴ ἔρχεται πλὴν τῆς παιδείας τε καὶ τροφῆς, ἃ δὴ καὶ μέγιστα λέγεται ὠφελεῖν ἢ βλάπτειν τὸν τελευτήσαντα εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἐκεῖσε πορείας. λέγεται δὲ οὕτως, ὡς ἄρα τελευτήσαντα ἕκαστον ὁ ἑκάστου δαίμων, 5 ὅσπερ ζῶντα εἰλήχει, 6 οὗτος ἄγειν ἐπιχειρεῖ εἰς δή τινα τόπον, οἷ δεῖ τοὺς συλλεγέντας διαδικασαμένους εἰς Ἅιδου |107ε| πορεύεσθαι μετὰ ἡγεμόνος 7 ἐκείνου ᾧ δὴ προστέτακται τοὺς ἐνθένδε ἐκεῖσε πορεῦσαι: τυχόντας δὲ ἐκεῖ ὧν δὴ τυχεῖν καὶ μείναντας ὃν χρὴ χρόνον ἄλλος δεῦρο πάλιν ἡγεμὼν κομίζει ἐν πολλαῖς χρόνου καὶ μακραῖς περιόδοις. 8
—ἔστι δὲ ἄρα ἡ πορεία οὐχ ὡς ὁ Αἰσχύλου Τήλεφος λέγει: ἐκεῖνος |108α| μὲν γὰρ ἁπλῆν οἶμόν 9 φησιν εἰς Ἅιδου φέρειν, ἡ δ᾽ οὔτε ἁπλῆ οὔτε μία φαίνεταί μοι εἶναι. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἡγεμόνων ἔδει: οὐ γάρ πού τις ἂν διαμάρτοι οὐδαμόσε μιᾶς ὁδοῦ οὔσης. νῦν δὲ ἔοικε σχίσεις τε καὶ τριόδους πολλὰς ἔχειν: ἀπὸ τῶν θυσιῶν τε καὶ νομίμων 10 τῶν ἐνθάδε τεκμαιρόμενος λέγω. ἡ μὲν οὖν κοσμία τε καὶ φρόνιμος ψυχὴ ἕπεταί τε καὶ οὐκ ἀγνοεῖ τὰ παρόντα: 11 ἡ δ᾽ ἐπιθυμητικῶς τοῦ σώματος ἔχουσα, ὅπερ ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν εἶπον, 12 περὶ ἐκεῖνο πολὺν |108β| χρόνον ἐπτοημένη καὶ περὶ τὸν ὁρατὸν τόπον, πολλὰ ἀντιτείνασα καὶ πολλὰ παθοῦσα, βίᾳ καὶ μόγις ὑπὸ τοῦ προστεταγμένου δαίμονος οἴχεται ἀγομένη.
—ἀφικομένην δὲ ὅθιπερ αἱ ἄλλαι, 13 τὴν μὲν ἀκάθαρτον καί τι πεποιηκυῖαν τοιοῦτον, ἢ φόνων ἀδίκων ἡμμένην ἢ ἄλλ᾽ ἄττα τοιαῦτα εἰργασμένην, ἃ τούτων ἀδελφά τε καὶ ἀδελφῶν ψυχῶν ἔργα τυγχάνει ὄντα, ταύτην μὲν ἅπας φεύγει τε καὶ ὑπεκτρέπεται καὶ οὔτε συνέμπορος οὔτε ἡγεμὼν ἐθέλει γίγνεσθαι, αὐτὴ |108ξ| δὲ πλανᾶται 14 ἐν πάσῃ ἐχομένη ἀπορίᾳ ἕως ἂν δή τινες χρόνοι γένωνται, ὧν ἐλθόντων ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης φέρεται εἰς τὴν αὐτῇ πρέπουσαν οἴκησιν: ἡ δὲ καθαρῶς τε καὶ μετρίως τὸν βίον διεξελθοῦσα, καὶ συνεμπόρων καὶ ἡγεμόνων θεῶν τυχοῦσα, ᾤκησεν τὸν αὐτῇ ἑκάστη τόπον προσήκοντα. εἰσὶν δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ θαυμαστοὶ τῆς γῆς τόποι, καὶ αὐτὴ οὔτε οἵα οὔτε ὅση δοξάζεται 15 ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ γῆς εἰωθότων λέγειν, ὡς ἐγὼ ὑπό τινος πέπεισμαι. 16

1 ἐν ᾧ καλοῦμεν τὸ ζῆν: a short expression for ἐν ᾧ ἔστιν ὃ καλοῦμεν τὸ ζῆν. The editors quote several similar phrases: Wyttenbach says he could fill a book with them.
2 εἴ τις αὐτῆς ἀμελήσει: ‘if we mean to neglect her.’
3 ἀπηλλάχθαι καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν κακίας: A vicious soul would be well rid of her vice even at the cost of her existence. But in Laws 958a death is regarded as a remedy for those whom milder measures will not serve: οἷσιν δὲ ὄντως ἐπικεκλωσμέναι, [αἱ δόξαι] θάνατον ἴαμα ταῖς οὕτω διατεθείσαις ψυχαῖς διανέμοντες. And in 854c suicide is recommended to the incurable sinner as his only relief: καὶ ἐὰν μέν σοι δρῶντι ταῦτα λωφᾷ τι τὸ νόσημα: εἰ δὲ μή, καλλίω θάνατον σκεψάμενος ἀπαλλάττου τοῦ βίου. We may perhaps regard death as offering a chance of turning over a new leaf.
4 οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄλλο ἔχουσα: Cf. Gorgias 523e καὶ τὸν κριτὴν δεῖ γυμνὸν εἶναι, τεθνεῶτα, αὐτῇ τῇ ψυχῇ αὐτὴν τὴν ψυχὴν θεωροῦντα ἐξαίφνης ἀποθανόντος ἑκάστου, ἔρημον πάντων τῶν συγγενῶν καὶ καταλιπόντα ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς πάντα ἐκεῖνον τὸν κόσμον, ἵνα δικαία ἡ κρίσις ᾖ. {Their judge also must be naked, dead, beholding with very soul the very soul of each immediately upon his death, bereft of all his kin and having left behind on earth all that fine array, to the end that the judgement may be just.}
5 ὁ ἑκάστου δαίμων: Olympiodoros denies that each soul has a distinct δαίμων {daimon = spirit or guardian angel} for sundry reasons, one of which is ὄτι τοῦ βίου λυθέντος ἀργήσει ὁ λαχὼν ἐκείνης διοικεῖν τὸν βίον. But there can be no doubt that he is wrong: cf. Republic 620d-e ἐκείνην δ᾽ ἑκάστῳ ὃν εἵλετο δαίμονα, τοῦτον φύλακα συμπέμπειν τοῦ βίου καὶ ἀποπληρωτὴν τῶν αἱρεθέντων. We have a different sort of daemonic supervision in Politicus 274b τῆς τοῦ κεκτημένου καὶ νέμοντος ἡμᾶς δαίμονος ἀπερημωθέντες ἐπιμελείας. In Timaeus 90a, the rational part of the soul is said to be a man’s δαίμων. In Laws 730a we find a ξένιος ἑκάστων δαίμων {special guardian of him who is wronged}, who protects strangers.
6 ὅσπερ ζῶντα εἰλήχει: In Republic 617e, on the other hand, we read οὐχ ὑμᾶς δαίμων λήξεται, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖς δαίμονα αἱρήσεσθε. {No divinity shall cast lots for you, but you shall choose your own deity.} But, as Olympiodoros explains, a δαίμων was assigned to the life chosen by the soul, so that either phrase might be used; though where Plato is so strongly insisting upon the perfect freedom of choice, he naturally selects δαίμονα αἱρεῖσθαι. No doubt the other was a popular phrase, cf. Theokritus iv 40 αἰαῖ τῶ σκληρῶ μάλα δαίμονος, ὅς με λελόγχει: and Plato there takes the opportunity of protesting against it.
7 μετὰ ἡγεμόνος: The two ἡγεμόνες are evidently distinct from the δαίμων {guardian spirit}, whose duties seem to cease when he has conveyed the soul to the place of judgment. In οἷ δεῖ above, the form of the adverb is determined by τοὺς ξυλλεγέντας, though in sense it belongs quite as much to διαδικασαμένους.
8 ἐν πολλαῖς χρόνου καὶ μακραῖς περιόδοις: Plato does not here specify the number and length of these periods; but in Phaedrus 248e following, we learn that each soul must fulfill ten millennial periods, except that of the philosopher, who is let off with three. Cf. Pindar Olympians II 68 ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐτόλμασαν ἐστρὶς | ἑκατέρωθι μείναντες ἀπὸ πάμπαν ἀδίκων ἔχειν | ψυχάν, ἔτειλαν Διὸς ὁδὸν παρὰ Κρόνου τύρσιν {those who have persevered three times, on either side, to keep their souls free from all wrongdoing}. In Republic 615a we have also a πορείαν χιλιέτη {thousand years}, and the reason for this number is assigned. Every man must be requited tenfold for his good and evil deeds; and calculating human life on the liberal estimate of 100 years, Plato devotes 1000 to his reward and punishment. The Egyptians made the period 3000 years (Herodotus 11 123); Empedokles goes as far as 30,000 ‘The divinities (daimones) who have received as lot a long life, Must wander thrice ten thousand seasons far from the blessed ones, Growing during this time in the different forms of mortal beings, Exchanging the painful paths of life.’
9 ἁπλῆν οἶμόν: This expression seems to have been proverbial. The verse of Aeschylus has not been preserved.
10 ἀπὸ τῶν θυσιῶν τε καὶ νομίμω: ‘judging by the funeral offerings and ordinances on earth.’ ὅσια καὶ νόιμα are the offerings made in honour of the departed. As these were made on the shrines of Hekate at the τρίοδοι, Plato seems to infer by analogy that the road to Hades is also forked. Cf. Gorgias 524a οὗτοι οὖν ἐπειδὰν τελευτήσωσι, δικάσουσιν ἐν τῷ λειμῶνι, ἐν τῇ τριόδῳ ἐξ ἧς φέρετον τὼ ὁδώ, ἡ μὲν εἰς μακάρων νήσους, ἡ δ᾽ εἰς Τάρταρον. {These, when their life is ended, shall give judgement in the meadow at the dividing of the road, whence are the two ways leading, one to the Isles of the Blest, and the other to Tartarus.} The old reading θυσιῶν {sacrificial} is now universally discarded.
11 οὐκ ἀγνοεῖ τὰ παρόντα: Wyttenbach well observes ‘agnoscit eam sibi iam antea meditatione mortis et philosophia cognitam.’
12 ὅπερ ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν εἶπον: 81c-d ἕλκεται πάλιν εἰς τὸν ὁρατὸν τόπον φόβῳ τοῦ ἀιδοῦς τε καὶ Ἅιδου, ὥσπερ λέγεται, περὶ τὰ μνήματά τε καὶ τοὺς τάφους κυλινδουμένη {such a soul is weighed down by this and is dragged back into the visible world, through fear of the invisible and of the other world, and so it flits about the monuments and the tombs, where shadowy shapes of souls have been seen}. Plutarch De Genio Socratis §22 in a curious myth expands the notion of the present passage: his imagery is however chiefly borrowed from the Phaedrus.
13 ὅθιπερ αἱ ἄλλαι so the mss. Schanz adopts Cobet’s οἶπερ.
14 αὐτὴ δὲ πλανᾶται: ’she strays by herself.’
15 οὔτε ὅση δοξάζεται: i.e. not so small as is supposed: cf. Phaedo 83b οὐδὲν τοσοῦτον κακὸν ἔπαθεν {illness or loss of money}, and Sophist 217e.
16 ὑπό τινος πέπεισμαι: Some think that Anaximandros is meant, because he first made a map of the world. But there is no evidence that his description of it had anything in common with Plato’s: and it seems very doubtful whether a reference to any definite person is intended. Plato is fond of giving an air of antiquity to his fables by referring them to some supposititious author: e.g. the Αἰγύπτιος λόγος in Phaedrus 274c, and the legendary war between Athens and Atlantis, Timaeus 24. Wagner strangely takes τινος to be neuter.

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Phaedo, Part 58.

|108d| And Simmias said, “What do you mean, Sokrates? I have heard a good deal about the earth myself, but not what you believe; so I should like to hear it.”
—“Well Simmias, I do not think I need the art of Glaucus to tell what it is. But to prove that it is true would, I think, be too hard for the art of Glaucus, and perhaps I should not be able to do it; besides, even if I had the skill, I think my life, Simmias, will end before the discussion could be finished. However, there is nothing to prevent my telling |108e| what I believe the form of the earth to be, and the regions in it.”
—“Well,” said Simmias, “that will be enough.”
—“I am convinced, then,” said he, “that in the first place, if the earth is round and in the middle of the heavens, it needs neither the air |109a| nor any other similar force to keep it from falling, but its own equipoise and the homogeneous nature of the heavens on all sides suffice to hold it in place; for a body which is in equipoise and is placed in the center of something which is homogeneous cannot change its inclination in any direction, but will remain always in the same position. This, then, is the first thing of which I am convinced.”
—“And rightly,” said Simmias.
—“Secondly,” said he, “I believe that the earth is very large and that we who dwell between the pillars of Hercules |109b| and the river Phasis live in a small part of it about the sea, like ants or frogs about a pond, and that many other people live in many other such regions. For I believe there are in all directions on the earth many hollows of very various forms and sizes, into which the water and mist and air have run together; but the earth itself is pure and is situated in the pure heaven in which the stars are, the heaven which |109c| those who discourse about such matters call the ether; the water, mist and air are the sediment of this and flow together into the hollows of the earth. Now we do not perceive that we live in the hollows, but think we live on the upper surface of the earth, just as if someone who lives in the depth of the ocean should think he lived on the surface of the sea, and, seeing the sun and the stars through the water, should think the sea was the sky, and should, by reason of sluggishness or |109d| feebleness, never have reached the surface of the sea, and should never have seen, by rising and lifting his head out of the sea into our upper world, and should never have heard from anyone who had seen, how much purer and fairer it is than the world he lived in. I believe this is just the case with us; for we dwell in a hollow of the earth and think we dwell on its upper surface; and the air we call the heaven, and think that is the heaven in which the stars move. But the fact is the same, |109e| that by reason of feebleness and sluggishness, we are unable to attain to the upper surface of the air; for if anyone should come to the top of the air or should get wings and fly up, he could lift his head above it and see, as fishes lift their heads out of the water and see the things in our world, so he would see things in that upper world; and, if his nature were strong enough to bear the sight, he would recognize that that is the real heaven |110a| and the real light and the real earth. For this earth of ours, and the stones and the whole region where we live, are injured and corroded, as in the sea things are injured by the brine, and nothing of any account grows in the sea, and there is, one might say, nothing perfect there, but caverns and sand and endless mud and mire, where there is earth also, and there is nothing at all worthy to be compared with the beautiful things of our world. But the things in that world above would be seen to be even more superior to those in this world of ours. |110b| If I may tell a story, Simmias, about the things on the earth that is below the heaven, and what they are like, it is well worth hearing.”
—“By all means, Sokrates,” said Simmias; “we should be glad to hear this story.”

Φαιδων, Part 58.

|108δ| καὶ ὁ Σιμμίας, πῶς ταῦτα, ἔφη, λέγεις, ὦ Σώκρατες; περὶ γάρ τοι γῆς καὶ αὐτὸς πολλὰ δὴ ἀκήκοα, οὐ μέντοι ταῦτα ἃ σὲ πείθει: ἡδέως οὖν ἂν ἀκούσαιμι.
—ἀλλὰ μέντοι, ὦ Σιμμία, οὐχὶ Γλαύκου τέχνη 1 γέ μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι διηγήσασθαι ἅ γ᾽ ἐστίν: ὡς μέντοι ἀληθῆ, χαλεπώτερόν μοι φαίνεται ἢ κατὰ τὴν Γλαύκου τέχνην, καὶ ἅμα μὲν ἐγὼ ἴσως οὐδ᾽ ἂν οἷός τε εἴην, ἅμα δέ, εἰ καὶ ἠπιστάμην, ὁ βίος μοι δοκεῖ 2 ὁ ἐμός, ὦ Σιμμία, τῷ μήκει τοῦ λόγου οὐκ ἐξαρκεῖν. τὴν μέντοι ἰδέαν τῆς γῆς οἵαν |108ε| πέπεισμαι εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς τόπους αὐτῆς οὐδέν με κωλύει λέγειν.
—ἀλλ᾽, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, καὶ ταῦτα ἀρκεῖ.
—πέπεισμαι τοίνυν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἐγὼ ὡς πρῶτον μέν, εἰ ἔστιν ἐν μέσῳ τῷ οὐρανῷ περιφερὴς οὖσα, μηδὲν αὐτῇ δεῖν μήτε |109α| ἀέρος πρὸς τὸ μὴ πεσεῖν μήτε ἄλλης ἀνάγκης μηδεμιᾶς τοιαύτης, ἀλλὰ ἱκανὴν εἶναι αὐτὴν ἴσχειν τὴν ὁμοιότητα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ 3 αὐτοῦ ἑαυτῷ πάντῃ καὶ τῆς γῆς αὐτῆς τὴν ἰσορροπίαν: ἰσόρροπον γὰρ πρᾶγμα ὁμοίου τινὸς ἐν μέσῳ τεθὲν οὐχ ἕξει μᾶλλον οὐδ᾽ ἧττον οὐδαμόσε κλιθῆναι, ὁμοίως δ᾽ ἔχον ἀκλινὲς μενεῖ. πρῶτον μὲν τοίνυν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, τοῦτο πέπεισμαι.
—καὶ ὀρθῶς γε, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας.
—ἔτι τοίνυν, ἔφη, πάμμεγά τι εἶναι αὐτό, καὶ ἡμᾶς οἰκεῖν |109β| τοὺς μέχρι Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν ἀπὸ Φάσιδος ἐν σμικρῷ τινι μορίῳ, 4 ὥσπερ περὶ τέλμα μύρμηκας ἢ βατράχους περὶ τὴν θάλατταν οἰκοῦντας, καὶ ἄλλους ἄλλοθι πολλοὺς ἐν πολλοῖσι τοιούτοις τόποις οἰκεῖν. εἶναι γὰρ πανταχῇ περὶ τὴν γῆν πολλὰ κοῖλα καὶ παντοδαπὰ καὶ τὰς ἰδέας καὶ τὰ μεγέθη, εἰς ἃ συνερρυηκέναι τό τε ὕδωρ καὶ τὴν ὁμίχλην καὶ τὸν ἀέρα: αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν γῆν 5 καθαρὰν ἐν καθαρῷ κεῖσθαι τῷ οὐρανῷ ἐν ᾧπέρ ἐστι τὰ ἄστρα, ὃν δὴ αἰθέρα ὀνομάζειν |109ξ| τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα εἰωθότων λέγειν: οὗ δὴ ὑποστάθμην 6 ταῦτα εἶναι καὶ συρρεῖν ἀεὶ εἰς τὰ κοῖλα τῆς γῆς.
—ἡμᾶς οὖν οἰκοῦντας ἐν τοῖς κοίλοις αὐτῆς λεληθέναι καὶ οἴεσθαι ἄνω ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς οἰκεῖν, ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις ἐν μέσῳ τῷ πυθμένι τοῦ πελάγους οἰκῶν οἴοιτό τε ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάττης οἰκεῖν καὶ διὰ τοῦ ὕδατος ὁρῶν τὸν ἥλιον καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἄστρα τὴν θάλατταν ἡγοῖτο οὐρανὸν εἶναι, διὰ δὲ |109δ| βραδυτῆτά τε καὶ ἀσθένειαν μηδεπώποτε ἐπὶ τὰ ἄκρα τῆς θαλάττης ἀφιγμένος μηδὲ ἑωρακὼς εἴη, ἐκδὺς καὶ ἀνακύψας ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης εἰς τὸν ἐνθάδε τόπον, ὅσῳ καθαρώτερος καὶ καλλίων τυγχάνει ὢν τοῦ παρὰ σφίσι, μηδὲ ἄλλου ἀκηκοὼς εἴη τοῦ ἑωρακότος. ταὐτὸν δὴ τοῦτο καὶ ἡμᾶς πεπονθέναι: οἰκοῦντας γὰρ ἔν τινι κοίλῳ τῆς γῆς οἴεσθαι ἐπάνω αὐτῆς οἰκεῖν, καὶ τὸν ἀέρα οὐρανὸν καλεῖν, 7 ὡς διὰ τούτου οὐρανοῦ ὄντος τὰ ἄστρα χωροῦντα: τὸ δὲ [εἶναι ταὐτόν], 8 |109ε| ὑπ᾽ ἀσθενείας καὶ βραδυτῆτος οὐχ οἵους τε εἶναι ἡμᾶς διεξελθεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατον τὸν ἀέρα: ἐπεί, εἴ τις αὐτοῦ 9 ἐπ᾽ ἄκρα ἔλθοι ἢ πτηνὸς γενόμενος ἀνάπτοιτο, κατιδεῖν ἂν ἀνακύψαντα, 10 ὥσπερ ἐνθάδε οἱ ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης ἰχθύες ἀνακύπτοντες ὁρῶσι τὰ ἐνθάδε, οὕτως ἄν τινα καὶ τὰ ἐκεῖ κατιδεῖν, καὶ εἰ ἡ φύσις ἱκανὴ εἴη ἀνασχέσθαι θεωροῦσα, γνῶναι ἂν ὅτι ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν ὁ ἀληθῶς οὐρανὸς καὶ τὸ ἀληθινὸν φῶς |110α| καὶ ἡ ὡς ἀληθῶς γῆ.
—ἥδε μὲν γὰρ ἡ γῆ καὶ οἱ λίθοι καὶ ἅπας ὁ τόπος ὁ ἐνθάδε διεφθαρμένα ἐστὶν καὶ καταβεβρωμένα, ὥσπερ τὰ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ ὑπὸ τῆς ἅλμης, καὶ οὔτε φύεται ἄξιον λόγου οὐδὲν ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ, οὔτε τέλειον ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν οὐδέν ἐστι, σήραγγες δὲ καὶ ἄμμος καὶ πηλὸς ἀμήχανος καὶ βόρβοροί εἰσιν, ὅπου ἂν καὶ γῆ ᾖ, 11 καὶ πρὸς τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν κάλλη κρίνεσθαι οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν ἄξια. ἐκεῖνα δὲ αὖ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν πολὺ ἂν ἔτι πλέον φανείη διαφέρειν:
|110β| εἰ γὰρ δὴ καὶ μῦθον λέγειν 12 ἄξιον ἀκοῦσαι, ὦ Σιμμία, οἷα τυγχάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ὑπὸ τῷ οὐρανῷ ὄντα.
—ἀλλὰ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἡμεῖς γε τούτου τοῦ μύθου ἡδέως ἂν ἀκούσαιμεν.

1 οὐχὶ Γλαύκου τέχνη: The origin of this proverb is obscure. Wohlrab supposes that the sea-god Glaukos is meant, the patron of sailors. None of the ancient authorities however take this view, but oscillate between various artificers bearing this name; the most distinguished of whom seems to have been Glaukos of Chios, mentioned by Herodotus (l 25), who invented the art of soldering metal. The diverse theories will be found in Heindorf’s note.
2 μοι δοκεῖ: see on 77a.
3 τὴν ὁμοιότητα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ: Plato’s assumption is that the earth has no natural tendency to move in any one direction; and the substance of the universe, being homogeneous, offers it no inducement to move this way or that: were the surrounding mass of various density in different parts, the earth might move in the direction where the least resistance was offered; as it is, it remains poised in the centre of a uniform mass. It must be observed that Plato is putting this forward, not to show that the earth must necessarily abide in the centre, but that there is no reason why it should not. A similar theory is attributed to Anaximandros by Aristotle De Caelo II xiii 295b 11 ‘All who deny that the earth lies at the centre think that it revolves about the centre, and not the earth only but the counter-earth as well. Some of them even consider it possible that there are several bodies so moving, which are invisible to us owing to the interposition of the earth.’ Compare Timaeus 62e εἰ γάρ τι καὶ στερεὸν εἴη κατὰ μέσον τοῦ παντὸς ἰσοπαλές, εἰς οὐδὲν ἄν ποτε τῶν ἐσχάτων ἐνεχθείη διὰ τὴν πάντῃ ὁμοιότητα αὐτῶν {suppose there were a solid body evenly-balanced at the center of the universe, it would never be carried away to the extremities because of their uniformity in all respects}: the theory of the Timaeus is however different.
4 ἐν σμικρῷ τινι μορίῳ: We are conceived as inhabiting a depression or cavity scooped out of the earth’s surface, small and shallow when compared with the extent and mass of the earth, but still wide and deep enough to prevent us from ever scaling its sides. Many other such hollows exist on the earth, but we are of course cut off from all communication with their inhabitants, as well as with the dwellers on the true surface. Evidently Plato’s estimate of the earth’s dimensions was immense.
5 αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν γῆν: i.e. the real surface of the earth, as distinguished from the hollows.
6 οὗ δὴ ὑποστάθμην: i.e. our atmosphere is the sediment of aether, which, collects in the depressions on the earth’s surface, ταῦτα = ὕδωρ καὶ τὴν ὁμίχλην καὶ τὸν ἀέρα.
7 τὸν ἀέρα οὐρανὸν καλεῖν: We are in the same plight as the supposed dwellers at the bottom of the sea, who, looking up through the water at the stars, would fancy that the sea above them was the heaven; so we, looking up through the air, fancy it is that wherein the stars move, and that the air is heaven.
8 τὸ δὲ [εἶναι ταὐτόν]: No satisfactory defence of the words εἶναι ταὐτόν has been made; nor is Heindorf’s τὸ δ’ εἶναι τοιοῦτον attractive. Hermann, after Baiter, reads τὸ δὲ δεινότατον: but there is no special aptness in this. Hirschig suggests ταἴτιον, but I think Schanz, following Rückert, is right in bracketing εἶναι ταὐτόν and retaining τὸ δὲ, which, is exactly the connecting link we want: ‘but the truth is that.’ τὸ δὲ occurs in this sense Theaetetus 157a, Sophist 244a, Laws 642a, 967a, Meno 97c, etc. εἶναι ταὐτόν might be the insertion of a copyist who did not understand the idiom.
9 εἴ τις αὐτοῦ: i.e. if we could either climb the sides of the hollow in which we dwell, or fly up through the air to its surface and peep up, as fishes do out of the sea.
10 κατιδεῖν ἀνακύψαντα: Most editors have ἂν ἀνακύψαντα, but ἂν is wanting in the mss. It could, it is true, easily have fallen out in that position; but since κατιδεῖν is presently repeated with ἂν, it seems to me hardly necessary to insert the particle here.
11 ὅπου ἂν καὶ γῆ ᾖ: Schanz retains ἡ γῆ with the best mss. But the meaning is, whenever any earth is present in the sea, the result is βόρβοροί.
12 εἰ γὰρ δὴ καὶ μῦθον λέγειν: After this some mss. and editions have the pointless addition καλόν: the word however is absent in the Bodleian and other mss. and is certainly to be omitted.

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Phaedo, Part 59.

—“Well then, my friend,” said he, “to begin with, the earth when seen from above is said to look like those balls that are covered with twelve pieces of leather; it is divided into patches of various colors, of which the colors which we see here may be regarded as samples, such as painters use. |110c| But there the whole earth is of such colors, and they are much brighter and purer than ours; for one part is purple of wonderful beauty, and one is golden, and one is white, whiter than chalk or snow, and the earth is made up of the other colors likewise, and they are more in number and more beautiful than those which we see here. For those very hollows of the earth which are full of water and air, present an appearance |110d| of color as they glisten amid the variety of the other colors, so that the whole produces one continuous effect of variety. And in this fair earth the things that grow, the trees, and flowers and fruits, are correspondingly beautiful; and so too the mountains and the stones are smoother, and more transparent and more lovely in color than ours. In fact, our highly prized stones, sards and |110e| jaspers, and emeralds, and other gems, are fragments of those there, but there everything is like these or still more beautiful. And the reason of this is that there the stones are pure, and not corroded or defiled, as ours are, with filth and brine by the vapors and liquids which flow together here and which cause ugliness and disease in earth and stones and animals and plants. And the earth there is adorned with all the jewels and also with gold and |111a| silver and everything of the sort. For there they are in plain sight, abundant and large and in many places, so that the earth is a sight to make those blessed who look upon it. And there are many animals upon it, and men also, some dwelling inland, others on the coasts of the air, as we dwell about the sea, and others on islands, which the air flows around, near the mainland; and in short, what water and the sea are |111b| in our lives, air is in theirs, and what the air is to us, ether is to them. And the seasons are so tempered that people there have no diseases and live much longer than we, and in sight and hearing and wisdom and all such things are as much superior to us as air is purer than water or the ether than air. And they have sacred groves and temples of the gods, in which the gods really dwell, and they have intercourse with the gods by speech and prophecies and visions, |111c| and they see the sun and moon and stars as they really are, and in all other ways their blessedness is in accord with this.

Φαιδων, Part 59.

—λέγεται τοίνυν, ἔφη, ὦ ἑταῖρε, πρῶτον μὲν εἶναι τοιαύτη ἡ γῆ αὐτὴ ἰδεῖν, εἴ τις ἄνωθεν θεῷτο, ὥσπερ αἱ δωδεκάσκυτοι σφαῖραι, 1 ποικίλη, χρώμασιν διειλημμένη, ὧν καὶ τὰ ἐνθάδε εἶναι χρώματα ὥσπερ δείγματα, οἷς δὴ οἱ γραφῆς |110ξ| καταχρῶνται. ἐκεῖ δὲ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν ἐκ τοιούτων εἶναι, καὶ πολὺ ἔτι ἐκ λαμπροτέρων καὶ καθαρωτέρων ἢ τούτων: τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἁλουργῆ εἶναι καὶ θαυμαστὴν τὸ κάλλος, τὴν δὲ χρυσοειδῆ, τὴν δὲ ὅση λευκὴ γύψου ἢ χιόνος λευκοτέραν, καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων χρωμάτων συγκειμένην ὡσαύτως, καὶ ἔτι πλειόνων καὶ καλλιόνων ἢ ὅσα ἡμεῖς ἑωράκαμεν. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὰ ταῦτα 2 τὰ κοῖλα αὐτῆς, ὕδατός τε καὶ ἀέρος ἔκπλεα |110δ| ὄντα, χρώματός τι εἶδος παρέχεσθαι στίλβοντα ἐν τῇ τῶν ἄλλων χρωμάτων ποικιλίᾳ, ὥστε ἕν τι αὐτῆς εἶδος συνεχὲς ποικίλον φαντάζεσθαι. ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ οὔσῃ τοιαύτῃ ἀνὰ λόγον τὰ φυόμενα φύεσθαι, δένδρα τε καὶ ἄνθη καὶ τοὺς καρπούς: καὶ αὖ τὰ ὄρη ὡσαύτως καὶ τοὺς λίθους ἔχειν ἀνὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον τήν τε λειότητα καὶ τὴν διαφάνειαν καὶ τὰ χρώματα καλλίω: ὧν καὶ τὰ ἐνθάδε λιθίδια εἶναι ταῦτα τὰ ἀγαπώμενα 3 μόρια, σάρδιά τε καὶ ἰάσπιδας καὶ σμαράγδους |110ε| καὶ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα: ἐκεῖ δὲ οὐδὲν ὅτι οὐ τοιοῦτον εἶναι καὶ ἔτι τούτων καλλίω. τὸ δ᾽ αἴτιον τούτου εἶναι ὅτι ἐκεῖνοι οἱ λίθοι εἰσὶ καθαροὶ καὶ οὐ κατεδηδεσμένοι οὐδὲ διεφθαρμένοι ὥσπερ οἱ ἐνθάδε ὑπὸ σηπεδόνος καὶ ἅλμης 4 ὑπὸ τῶν δεῦρο ξυνερρυηκότων, ἃ καὶ λίθοις καὶ γῇ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ζῴοις τε καὶ φυτοῖς αἴσχη τε καὶ νόσους παρέχει.
—τὴν δὲ γῆν αὐτὴν κεκοσμῆσθαι τούτοις τε ἅπασι καὶ ἔτι χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ καὶ |111α| τοῖς ἄλλοις αὖ τοῖς τοιούτοις. ἐκφανῆ γὰρ 5 αὐτὰ πεφυκέναι, ὄντα πολλὰ πλήθει καὶ μεγάλα καὶ πανταχοῦ τῆς γῆς, ὥστε αὐτὴν ἰδεῖν εἶναι θέαμα εὐδαιμόνων θεατῶν. ζῷα δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ εἶναι ἄλλα τε πολλὰ καὶ ἀνθρώπους, τοὺς μὲν ἐν μεσογαίᾳ οἰκοῦντας, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν ἀέρα 6 ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς περὶ τὴν θάλατταν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν νήσοις ἃς περιρρεῖν τὸν ἀέρα πρὸς τῇ ἠπείρῳ οὔσας: καὶ ἑνὶ λόγῳ, ὅπερ ἡμῖν τὸ ὕδωρ τε καὶ ἡ θάλαττά ἐστι πρὸς τὴν ἡμετέραν χρείαν, τοῦτο ἐκεῖ |111β| τὸν ἀέρα, ὃ δὲ ἡμῖν ἀήρ, 7 ἐκείνοις τὸν αἰθέρα. τὰς δὲ ὥρας αὐτοῖς κρᾶσιν ἔχειν τοιαύτην 8 ὥστε ἐκείνους ἀνόσους εἶναι καὶ χρόνον τε ζῆν πολὺ πλείω τῶν ἐνθάδε, καὶ ὄψει καὶ ἀκοῇ καὶ φρονήσει 9 καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τοιούτοις ἡμῶν ἀφεστάναι τῇ αὐτῇ ἀποστάσει ᾗπερ ἀήρ τε ὕδατος ἀφέστηκεν καὶ αἰθὴρ ἀέρος πρὸς καθαρότητα.
—καὶ δὴ καὶ θεῶν ἄλση τε καὶ ἱερὰ αὐτοῖς εἶναι, ἐν οἷς τῷ ὄντι οἰκητὰς θεοὺς εἶναι, 10 καὶ φήμας τε καὶ μαντείας καὶ αἰσθήσεις τῶν θεῶν καὶ τοιαύτας συνουσίας |111ξ| γίγνεσθαι αὐτοῖς πρὸς αὐτούς: καὶ τόν γε ἥλιον καὶ σελήνην καὶ ἄστρα ὁρᾶσθαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν οἷα τυγχάνει ὄντα, καὶ τὴν ἄλλην εὐδαιμονίαν τούτων ἀκόλουθον εἶναι.

1 ὥσπερ αἱ δωδεκάσκυτοι σφαῖραι: The number twelve refers to the twelve signs of the zodiac, as is clear from Timaeus 55c ἔτι δὲ οὔσης συστάσεως μιᾶς πέμπτης, ἐπὶ τὸ πᾶν ὁ θεὸς αὐτῇ κατεχρήσατο ἐκεῖνο διαζωγραφῶν: ‘and whereas there remained yet a fifth figure, God used it as a model for the universe in describing its signs.’ The τέμπτη ξύστασις was the dodecahedron: cf. Timaeus Locrus 98e τὸ δὲ δωδεκάεδρον εἰκόνα τοῦ παντὸς ἐστάσατο, ἔγγιστα σφαίας ἐόν. The last words, ἔγγιστα σφαίας ἐόν, are a foolish addition by the compiler of the Timaeus Locrus: for the dodecahedron has nothing to do with the shape of the universe, which is a perfect sphere modelled after the image of the αὐτὸ ζῷον: it merely affords the type for the duodenary division of the zodiac. In the present passage the δωδεκάσκυτοι σφαῖρα, a ball covered with patches of leather variously coloured, is used to represent not only the twelve signs, but also the variegated surface of the earth. A great store of erudition on the virtues of the number twelve is to be found in Wyttenbach’s note.
2 καὶ γὰρ αὐτὰ ταῦτα: ‘even these very hollows, being full of water and of air, display a kind of colour that gleams amid the dazzling diversity of the rest; so that the earth’s form appears as one unbroken surface of varied hues.’ To an observer viewing the earth from above even such hollows as that wherein we dwell would appear as patches of colour, iridescent we may suppose; so that the many-coloured surface would not be marred by any blots of obscurity, συνεχὲς {continuously} is regarded by Heindorf and others as adverbial: perhaps, however, we might treat εἶδος συνεχὲς as practically one word, which is qualified by ποικίλον.
3 ταῦτα τὰ ἀγαπώμενα: ‘the stones that here are so much prized.’ For this sense of ἀγαπαν compare Politicus 286d δεύτερον ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πρῶτον ὁ λόγος ἀγαπᾶν παραγγέλλει {reason counsels us to accept fitness for the easiest and quickest completion of the inquiry in which we are engaged}.
4 ὑπὸ σηπεδόνος καὶ ἅλμης: ‘not corroded and spoilt by the sediment that has gathered here, as the stones with us are by corruption and brine.’ For the punctuation and interpretation I am indebted to Dr. Verrall. In the ordinary texts there is no punctuation after διεφθαρμένοι and ἅλμης, and the second ὑπὸ is but an awkward repetition of the first. Schanz brackets ὑπὸ σηπεδόνος καὶ ἅλμης as a gloss upon ὑπὸ τῶν δεῦρο ξυνερρυηκότων. Heindorf inserts τε after the second ὑπὸ, and Stallbaum substitutes ἀπὸ. I formerly followed the suggestion of Wyttenbach in bracketing the second ὑπὸ only.
5 ἐκφανῆ γὰρ: they are exposed to view on the surface, not, as with us, hidden in mines.
6 τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν ἀέρα: i.e. round the edges of the hollows, which are filled with air. Others again dwell on islands amid the aerial ocean, their bases plunged beneath the air but their surfaces encompassed with aether.
7 ἀήρ: The article is wanting in the mss. and supplied by Bekker. I have, on the suggestion of Schanz, written it as a crasis.
8 κρᾶσιν ἔχειν τοιαύτην: Compare the description of the climate of ancient Attica, Timaeus 24c, where Athene chooses the site of her city ἐν αὐτῷ κατιδοῦσα, ὅτι φρονιμωτάτους ἄνδρας οἴσοι {she established your State, choosing the spot wherein you were born since she perceived therein a climate duly blended}.
9 ὄψει καὶ ἀκοῇ καὶ φρονήσει: This reading has the all but unanimous support of the mss. Heindorf with one ms. reads ὀσφρήσει for φρονήσει, saying ‘ingenii praestantiam non sane tam obiter uno verbo memorasset Plato, nec post φρονήσεως mentionem addidisset haec καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τοιούτοις.’ These arguments do not seem very cogent; and it is hardly credible that Plato should have omitted to ascribe superior φρονήσις to his dwellers in aether. Schanz justly compares Republic 367c οἷον ὁρᾶν, ἀκούειν, φρονεῖν {health too, and all other goods}. In fact ὄψει καὶ ἀκοῇ stand forαἰσθήσει. ‘In sight, hearing, and intelligence [i.e. both in bodily and mental power] they excel us in the same proportion as air excels water and aether air in purity.’ Z. adopts ὀσφρήσει.
10 ἐν οἷς τῷ ὄντι οἰκητὰς θεοὺς εἶναι: i.e. in these temples is the very presence of the gods themselves; whereas we have but their statues. ‘And they had groves and temples of the gods, wherein the gods in very truth were dwellers, and voices and prophecies and visions of them, and of this kind was their communion with them, face to face.’ τοιαύτας = personal communion. αὐτοῖς πρὸς αὐτούς should be taken in the most emphatic sense, literally ‘the people themselves with the gods themselves.’

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Phaedo, Part 60.

—“Such then is the nature of the earth as a whole, and of the things around it. But round about the whole earth, in the hollows of it, are many regions, some deeper and wider than that in which we live, |111d| some deeper but with a narrower opening than ours, and some also less in depth and wider. Now all these are connected with one another by many subterranean channels, some larger and some smaller, which are bored in all of them, and there are passages through which much water flows from one to another as into mixing bowls; and there are everlasting rivers of huge size under the earth, flowing with hot and cold water; and there is much fire, and great rivers of fire, and many streams of mud, some thinner |111e| and some thicker, like the rivers of mud that flow before the lava in Sicily, and the lava itself. These fill the various regions as they happen to flow to one or another at any time. Now a kind of oscillation within the earth moves all these up and down. And the nature of the oscillation is as follows: One of the chasms of the earth is greater than the rest, |112a| and is bored right through the whole earth; this is the one which Homer means when he says:
  Far off, the lowest abyss beneath the earth
  –Homer Iliad 8.14.
“and which elsewhere he and many other poets have called Tartarus. For all the rivers flow together into this chasm and flow out of it again, and they have each the nature of the earth through which they flow. And the reason why all the streams flow in and out here |112b| is that this liquid matter has no bottom or foundation. So it oscillates and waves up and down, and the air and wind about it do the same; for they follow the liquid both when it moves toward the other side of the earth and when it moves toward this side, and just as the breath of those who breathe blows in and out, so the wind there oscillates with the liquid and causes terrible and irresistible blasts as it rushes in and out. |112c| And when the water retires to the region which we call the lower, it flows into the rivers there and fills them up, as if it were pumped into them; and when it leaves that region and comes back to this side, it fills the rivers here; and when the streams are filled they flow through the passages and through the earth and come to the various places to which their different paths lead, where they make seas and marshes, and rivers and springs. Thence they go down again under the earth, |112d| some passing around many great regions and others around fewer and smaller places, and flow again into Tartarus, some much below the point where they were sucked out, and some only a little; but all flow in below their exit. Some flow in on the side from which they flowed out, others on the opposite side; and some pass completely around in a circle, coiling about the earth once or several times, like serpents, then descend to the lowest possible depth and fall again into the chasm. |112e| Now it is possible to go down from each side to the center, but not beyond, for there the slope rises forward in front of the streams from either side of the earth.

Φαιδων, Part 60.

—καὶ ὅλην μὲν δὴ τὴν γῆν οὕτω πεφυκέναι καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν γῆν: τόπους δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ εἶναι κατὰ τὰ ἔγκοιλα αὐτῆς κύκλῳ περὶ ὅλην πολλούς, τοὺς μὲν βαθυτέρους καὶ ἀναπεπταμένους μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν ᾧ ἡμεῖς οἰκοῦμεν, τοὺς δὲ βαθυτέρους ὄντας τὸ χάσμα αὑτῶν 1 ἔλαττον ἔχειν τοῦ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν |111δ| τόπου, ἔστι δ᾽ οὓς καὶ βραχυτέρους τῷ βάθει τοῦ ἐνθάδε εἶναι καὶ πλατυτέρους. τούτους δὲ πάντας ὑπὸ γῆν εἰς ἀλλήλους συντετρῆσθαί τε πολλαχῇ καὶ κατὰ στενότερα καὶ εὐρύτερα καὶ διεξόδους ἔχειν, ᾗ πολὺ μὲν ὕδωρ ῥεῖν ἐξ ἀλλήλων εἰς ἀλλήλους ὥσπερ εἰς κρατῆρας, καὶ ἀενάων ποταμῶν ἀμήχανα μεγέθη ὑπὸ τὴν γῆν καὶ θερμῶν ὑδάτων καὶ ψυχρῶν, πολὺ δὲ πῦρ καὶ πυρὸς μεγάλους ποταμούς, πολλοὺς δὲ ὑγροῦ πηλοῦ καὶ καθαρωτέρου καὶ βορβορωδεστέρου, |111ε| ὥσπερ ἐν Σικελίᾳ οἱ πρὸ τοῦ ῥύακος πηλοῦ ῥέοντες ποταμοὶ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ῥύαξ: ὧν δὴ καὶ ἑκάστους τοὺς τόπους 2 πληροῦσθαι, ὡς ἂν ἑκάστοις τύχῃ ἑκάστοτε ἡ περιρροὴ γιγνομένη. ταῦτα δὲ πάντα κινεῖν ἄνω καὶ κάτω ὥσπερ αἰώραν 3 τινὰ ἐνοῦσαν ἐν τῇ γῇ: ἔστι δὲ ἄρα αὕτη ἡ αἰώρα διὰ φύσιν τοιάνδε τινά. ἕν τι τῶν χασμάτων τῆς γῆς ἄλλως τε |112α| μέγιστον τυγχάνει ὂν καὶ διαμπερὲς τετρημένονc 4 δι᾽ ὅλης τῆς γῆς, τοῦτο ὅπερ Ὅμηρος εἶπε, 5 λέγων αὐτό

τῆλε μάλ᾽, ᾗχι βάθιστον ὑπὸ χθονός ἐστι βέρεθρον
~Homer Iliad 8.14

ὃ καὶ ἄλλοθι καὶ ἐκεῖνος καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοὶ τῶν ποιητῶν Τάρταρον κεκλήκασιν. εἰς γὰρ τοῦτο τὸ χάσμα συρρέουσί τε πάντες οἱ ποταμοὶ καὶ ἐκ τούτου πάλιν ἐκρέουσιν: γίγνονται δὲ ἕκαστοι τοιοῦτοι δι᾽ οἵας ἂν καὶ τῆς γῆς ῥέωσιν. ἡ δὲ |112β| αἰτία ἐστὶν τοῦ ἐκρεῖν τε ἐντεῦθεν καὶ εἰσρεῖν πάντα τὰ ῥεύματα, ὅτι πυθμένα οὐκ ἔχει 6 οὐδὲ βάσιν τὸ ὑγρὸν τοῦτο. αἰωρεῖται δὴ καὶ κυμαίνει ἄνω καὶ κάτω, καὶ ὁ ἀὴρ καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ περὶ αὐτὸ ταὐτὸν ποιεῖ: συνέπεται γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ ὅταν εἰς τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνα τῆς γῆς ὁρμήσῃ καὶ ὅταν εἰς τὸ ἐπὶ τάδε, καὶ ὥσπερ τῶν ἀναπνεόντων ἀεὶ ἐκπνεῖ τε καὶ ἀναπνεῖ ῥέον τὸ πνεῦμα, οὕτω καὶ ἐκεῖ συναιωρούμενον τῷ ὑγρῷ τὸ πνεῦμα δεινούς τινας ἀνέμους καὶ ἀμηχάνους παρέχεται καὶ
|112ξ| εἰσιὸν καὶ ἐξιόν. ὅταν τε οὖν ὑποχωρήσῃ 7 τὸ ὕδωρ εἰς τὸν τόπον τὸν δὴ κάτω καλούμενον, 8 τοῖς κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνα τὰ ῥεύματα 9 διὰ τῆς γῆς εἰσρεῖ τε καὶ πληροῖ αὐτὰ ὥσπερ οἱ ἐπαντλοῦντες: ὅταν τε αὖ ἐκεῖθεν μὲν ἀπολίπῃ, δεῦρο δὲ ὁρμήσῃ, τὰ ἐνθάδε 10 πληροῖ αὖθις, τὰ δὲ πληρωθέντα ῥεῖ διὰ τῶν ὀχετῶν καὶ διὰ τῆς γῆς, καὶ εἰς τοὺς τόπους ἕκαστα ἀφικνούμενα, εἰς οὓς ἑκάστοις ὡδοποίηται, θαλάττας τε καὶ λίμνας καὶ ποταμοὺς καὶ κρήνας ποιεῖ: ἐντεῦθεν δὲ πάλιν δυόμενα
|112δ| κατὰ τῆς γῆς, τὰ μὲν μακροτέρους τόπους περιελθόντα καὶ πλείους, τὰ δὲ ἐλάττους καὶ βραχυτέρους, πάλιν εἰς τὸν Τάρταρον ἐμβάλλει, τὰ μὲν πολὺ κατωτέρω ἢ ᾗ ἐπηντλεῖτο, 11 τὰ δὲ ὀλίγον: πάντα δὲ ὑποκάτω εἰσρεῖ τῆς ἐκροῆς, καὶ ἔνια μὲν καταντικρὺ ἢ ᾗ εἰσρεῖ 12 ἐξέπεσεν, ἔνια δὲ κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ μέρος: ἔστι δὲ ἃ παντάπασιν κύκλῳ περιελθόντα, ἢ ἅπαξ ἢ καὶ πλεονάκις περιελιχθέντα περὶ τὴν γῆν ὥσπερ οἱ ὄφεις, εἰς τὸ δυνατὸν κάτω καθέντα 13 πάλιν ἐμβάλλει. |112ε| δυνατὸν δέ ἐστιν ἑκατέρωσε μέχρι τοῦ μέσου καθιέναι, πέρα δ᾽ οὔ: ἄναντες γὰρ πρόσω 14 ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς ῥεύμασι τὸ ἑκατέρωθεν γίγνεται μέρος.

1 τὸ χάσμα αὑτῶν: There a slight anacoluthon; the regular construction would be ἔχοντας. For αὑτῶν BDE give αὐτούς, which Wyttenbach illustrates by Xenophon Cyropaedia I iii 13 πειράσξμαι ἀγαθῶν ἱππέωνν κράτιστπς ὢν ἱππεὺς συμμαχεῖν αὐτῷ. There is no lack of instances of a redundant pronoun, but the effect here is harsh. Schanz reads τὸ αὑτῶν χάσμα, Heindorf τὸ χάσμα αὑτῶν, which latter I have adopted, as being nearly identical with the reading of C, to τὸ χάσμα αὐτῶν.
2 ὧν δὴ καὶ ἑκάστους τοὺς τόπους: ‘wherewith each of the places is filled in turn as the stream in its course round chances each time to reach it.’—COPE. The stream, when replenished by the αἰώρα presently to be mentioned, makes a circuit of these hollows through the subterranean channels. ὡς ἂν is Stallbaum’s correction for ὧς ἂν, which Z. retains.
3 ὥσπερ αἰώραν: ‘all these are moved backwards and forwards by a kind of oscillation which exists in the earth.’ αἰώρα properly signifies a seesaw movement, like that of a pair of scales equally balanced. It is the name given to a kind of gymnastic machine like a swing. By the force of this αἰώρα the volume of air and fluid in Tartaros is perpetually swaying to and fro like a pendulum. When the mass which is ἄνω surges towards the centre, the mass that is κάτω is necessarily driven towards the extremity: then the latter in its turn recoils towards the centre and forces the former towards the opposite extremity.
4 διαμπερὲς τετρημένον: Tartaros differs from all the other ἔγκοιλα, not only in its far greater magnitude, but in being pierced right through the earth from end to end; whereas the rest are merely depressions more or less deep. The physical theory of the present passage is simple enough. Let us suppose for the sake of clearness that Tartaros is a chasm pierced from the north to the south pole; and let us concede so much to popular usage as to call one hemisphere, say the northern, ἄνω and the other κάτω. For each of these hemispheres the centre of the earth is the lowest point, towards which all things gravitate. Out of Tartaros ramify a number of channels in all directions through the earth, some reaching to the surface, some subterranean throughout their whole length. Now the αἰώρα pulsing up and down Tartaros carries with it all the fluid that is therein; and when it rushes northwards, it forces the liquid into the channels of the northern hemisphere; then returning southward it fills those in the southern. Thus the stream is violently impelled through the channel by the force of the αἰώρα: but when this force is spent, it obeys the law of gravitation and makes its way back to Tartaros at a lower level than that whence it started. It can however never pass beyond the centre, since that is the absolutely lowest point from whatever direction it is approached, and an ascent from it would be contrary to the force of gravitation.
5 ὅτι πυθμένα οὐκ ἔχει: The cause of the αἰώρα is that there is no bottom or foundation on which the liquid mass can rest. Were there a solid platform at the centre of the earth, the fluid on either side would settle there and remain stationary. Of this passage a doubtfully accurate statement and a certainly unfair criticism is made by Aristotle Meteorologica II ii 355b 32 following, cf. I 349b 28. Plato’s doctrine of gravitation, which is incomparably more scientific than anything to be found in Aristotle on that subject, is very clearly expounded in Timaeus 62c–63e.
6 ὅπερ Ὅμηρος εἶπε: Iliad viii 14: cf. viii 481.
7 ὅταν τε οὖν ὑποχωρήσῃ: Many editions, including Z. and St., have ὁρμῆσαν after οὖν: but since it is absent from the best mss. I have omitted it.
8 τὸν δὴ κάτω καλούμενον: Plato considers the expression incorrect, as is indicated by δή. Cf. Timaeus 62c φύσει γὰρ δή τινας τόπους δύο εἶναι διειληφότας διχῇ τὸ πᾶν ἐναντίους, τὸν μὲν κάτω, πρὸς ὃν φέρεται πάνθ᾽ ὅσα τινὰ ὄγκον σώματος ἔχει, τὸν δὲ ἄνω, πρὸς ὃν ἀκουσίως ἔρχεται πᾶν, οὐκ ὀρθὸν οὐδαμῇ νομίζειν {there really exist two distinct and totally opposite regions, each of which occupies one-half of the Universe—the one termed “below,” towards which move all things possessing any bodily mass, and the other “above,” towards which everything goes against its will}. For some very curious reasoning on the other side see Aristotle De Caelo II ii 284b 6 following.
9 [τοῖς] κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνα τὰ ῥεύματα: If the text is sound we must translate ‘it (τὸ ὕδωρ) flows into the parts about those streams’; unless with Prof. Geddes we take τοῖς as an instrumental dative, which is hardly probable. But either way the phrase is a singularly awkward one and can scarcely, I think, have been written by Plato; though H. Schmidt defends it, translating ‘das zu jenen Strömen Gehörende.’ Madvig’s εἰσφρεῖ, which Schanz adopts, leaves the sentence as clumsy as before. Wyttenbach reads τότε for τοῖς, which may be right: Ast brackets τοῖς. Mr. Cope translates ‘it flows through the earth to the neighbourhood of those streams and fills them, as it were by a pump.’ But surely διὰ τῆς γῆς describes the progress of the water after it has entered the channels: it would be a strange expression to apply to its surging up and down Tartaros.
10 τὰ ἐνθάδε: i.e. the rivers in our hemisphere. We are regarded as living in the ‘upper’ hemisphere: and so said the Pythagoreans, cf. Aristotle De Caelo 285b 21. Aristotle himself said our hemisphere was the lower: to Plato of course the distinction is meaningless.
11 ἐπηντλεῖτο: i.e. were pumped into the channels: it is needless to read έξηντλεῖτο with Heindorf.
12 12καταντικρὺ ἢ ᾗ εἰσρεῖ: i.e. καταντικρὺ τῆς χώρας ᾗ εἰσρεῖ. This seems to mean that a stream which issued forth from Tartaros, say in an easterly direction, may, by a circuit of the earth, re-enter it on the western side. Aristotle’s version of this (Meteorologica 356 a 9) is τὰ δὲ καὶ καταντικρὺ τῇ θέσει τῆς ἐκροῆς, οἷον εἰ ῥεῖν ἤρξαντο κάτωθεν, ἄνωθεν εἰσβάλλειν. This is usually regarded as a misstatement on Aristotle’s part: but H. Schmidt (Krit. Comm. II 107 following) ingeniously endeavours to reconcile it with Plato’s words. He lays stress on the fact that Aristotle says, not ἄνω and κάτω, but ἄνωθεν and κάτωθεν: and he explains it thus. A river may issue from Tartaros in the southern hemisphere, and in the course of its wanderings pass into the northern, finally discharging itself into the very centre of Tartaros. Thus after rising in the southern hemisphere (κάτωθεν) it enters Tartaros from the side of the northern (ἄνωθεν); but since it discharges itself at the centre, it has not violated the law μέχρι τοῦ μέσου τὴν κάθιέναι, πέρα δ’ οὔ. The weak point in the explanation seems to me this. When the stream has once reached the northern hemisphere, it is subject to precisely the same laws of gravitation as the rivers of that hemisphere; and there is no reason why it should be compelled to descend to the very centre any more than a stream which has risen in the northern hemisphere: yet, if it does not, it has passed beyond the centre, relatively to its source. Schmidt’s theory in fact breaks down, unless we can understand the words μέχρι τοῦ μέσου τὴν κάθιέναι, πέρα δ’ οὔ relatively to the direction of the stream after it has once begun its downward course, irrespective of its point of issue. Perhaps, however, Plato had not thought of the case of a river passing from one hemisphere to another while on the surface of the earth: or, as exact science is hardly to be expected in a myth, the rivers may be prohibited from crossing the plane which divides the two hemispheres. Aristotle’s paraphrase sounds like a reproduction of the Platonic passage based on an imperfect recollection of it. The notion, entertained by some, that καταντικρὺ ἧ εἰσρεῖ means that the stream on discharging itself crosses Tartaros and emerges on the opposite side is assuredly untenable. Schanz, against all mss., has έξέπεσεν εἰσρεῖ.)
  καθέντα: This word comes to be practically intransitive similarly to ἐμβάλλει: the river is conceived as a power which pours down and discharges its waters. καθίημι is similarly used of a wind, as we see in Aristophanes Knights 430 ἔξειμι γάρ σοι λαμπρὸς ἤδη καὶ μέγας καθιείς {I will throw myself upon you like a terrible hurricane ravaging both land and sea at the will of its fury}.
13 ἄναντες γὰρ πρόσω: so Heindorf for πρός. Z. and St. omit πρόσω.

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Phaedo, Part 61.

—“Now these streams are many and great and of all sorts, but among the many are four streams, the greatest and outermost of which is that called Oceanus, which flows round in a circle, and opposite this, flowing in the opposite direction, is Acheron, which flows through |113a| various desert places and, passing under the earth, comes to the Acherusian lake. To this lake the souls of most of the dead go and, after remaining there the appointed time, which is for some longer and for others shorter, are sent back to be born again into living beings. The third river flows out between these two, and near the place whence it issues it falls into a vast region burning with a great fire and makes a lake larger than our Mediterranean sea, boiling with water and mud. |113b| Thence it flows in a circle, turbid and muddy, and comes in its winding course, among other places, to the edge of the Acherusian lake, but does not mingle with its water. Then, after winding about many times underground, it flows into Tartarus at a lower level. This is the river which is called Pyriphlegethon, and the streams of lava which spout up at various places on earth are offshoots from it. Opposite this the fourth river issues, it is said, first into a wild and awful place, which is all of a dark blue color, like lapis lazuli. |113c| This is called the Stygian river, and the lake which it forms by flowing in is the Styx. And when the river has flowed in here and has received fearful powers into its waters, it passes under the earth and, circling round in the direction opposed to that of Pyriphlegethon, it meets it coming from the other way in the Acherusian lake. And the water of this river also mingles with no other water, but this also passes round in a circle and falls into Tartarus opposite Pyriphlegethon. And the name of this river, as the Poets say, is Cocytus.

Φαιδων, Part 61.

—τὰ μὲν οὖν δὴ ἄλλα πολλά τε καὶ μεγάλα καὶ παντοδαπὰ ῥεύματά ἐστι: τυγχάνει δ᾽ ἄρα ὄντα ἐν τούτοις τοῖς πολλοῖς τέτταρ᾽ ἄττα ῥεύματα, 1 ὧν τὸ μὲν μέγιστον καὶ ἐξωτάτω ῥέον περὶ κύκλῳ 2 ὁ καλούμενος Ὠκεανός ἐστιν, τούτου δὲ καταντικρὺ καὶ ἐναντίως ῥέων Ἀχέρων, ὃς δι᾽ ἐρήμων τε τόπων |113α| ῥεῖ ἄλλων καὶ δὴ καὶ ὑπὸ γῆν ῥέων εἰς τὴν λίμνην ἀφικνεῖται τὴν Ἀχερουσιάδα, οὗ αἱ τῶν τετελευτηκότων 3 ψυχαὶ τῶν πολλῶν ἀφικνοῦνται καί τινας εἱμαρμένους χρόνους μείνασαι, αἱ μὲν μακροτέρους, αἱ δὲ βραχυτέρους, πάλιν ἐκπέμπονται εἰς τὰς τῶν ζῴων γενέσεις. τρίτος δὲ ποταμὸς τούτων κατὰ μέσον ἐκβάλλει, 4 καὶ ἐγγὺς τῆς ἐκβολῆς ἐκπίπτει εἰς τόπον μέγαν πυρὶ πολλῷ καόμενον, καὶ λίμνην ποιεῖ μείζω τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν θαλάττης, ζέουσαν ὕδατος καὶ πηλοῦ: 5 ἐντεῦθεν δὲ
|113β| χωρεῖ κύκλῳ θολερὸς καὶ πηλώδης, περιελιττόμενος δὲ [τῇ γῇ] 6 ἄλλοσέ τε ἀφικνεῖται καὶ παρ᾽ ἔσχατα τῆς Ἀχερουσιάδος λίμνης, οὐ συμμειγνύμενος τῷ ὕδατι: περιελιχθεὶς δὲ πολλάκις ὑπὸ γῆς ἐμβάλλει κατωτέρω τοῦ Ταρτάρου: 7 οὗτος δ᾽ ἐστὶν ὃν ἐπονομάζουσιν Πυριφλεγέθοντα, οὗ καὶ οἱ ῥύακες ἀποσπάσματα ἀναφυσῶσιν ὅπῃ ἂν τύχωσι τῆς γῆς. τούτου δὲ αὖ καταντικρὺ ὁ τέταρτος ἐκπίπτει εἰς τόπον πρῶτον δεινόν τε καὶ ἄγριον, ὡς λέγεται, χρῶμα δ᾽ ἔχοντα ὅλον οἷον ὁ |113ξ| κυανός, ὃν δὴ ἐπονομάζουσι Στύγιον, καὶ τὴν λίμνην ἣν ποιεῖ ὁ ποταμὸς 8 ἐμβάλλων, Στύγα: 9 ὁ δ᾽ ἐμπεσὼν ἐνταῦθα καὶ δεινὰς δυνάμεις λαβὼν ἐν τῷ ὕδατι, δὺς κατὰ τῆς γῆς, περιελιττόμενος χωρεῖ ἐναντίος τῷ Πυριφλεγέθοντι καὶ ἀπαντᾷ ἐν τῇ Ἀχερουσιάδι λίμνῃ 10 ἐξ ἐναντίας: καὶ οὐδὲ τὸ τούτου ὕδωρ οὐδενὶ μείγνυται, ἀλλὰ καὶ οὗτος κύκλῳ περιελθὼν ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὸν Τάρταρον ἐναντίος τῷ Πυριφλεγέθοντι: ὄνομα δὲ τούτῳ ἐστίν, ὡς οἱ ποιηταὶ λέγουσιν, κωκυτός.

1 τέτταρ᾽ ἄττα ῥεύματα: Homer Odyssey x 511,
νῆα μὲν αὐτοῦ κέλσαι ἐπ᾽
Ὠκεανῷ βαθυδίνῃ,
αὐτὸς δ᾽ εἰς Ἀίδεω ἰέναι δόμον εὐρώεντα.
ἔνθα μὲν εἰς Ἀχέροντα Πυριφλεγέθων τε ῥέουσιν
Κώκυτός θ᾽, ὃς δὴ Στυγὸς ὕδατός ἐστιν ἀπορρώξ.
{there do thou beach thy ship by the deep eddying Oceanus,
but go thyself to the dank house of Hades.
There into Acheron flow Periphlegethon and Cocytus,
which is a branch of the water of the Styx}.
2 περὶ κύκλῳ: The only passage cited in defence of this phrase is Plutarch ἐρωτικὸς x 5, where Didot’s edition has περὶκύκλῳ. The latter is the reading of the best mss. here; but Heindorf justly denounces it as ‘monstri simile.’ Stallbaum’s reference to Laws 964e is totally irrelevant. Heindorf proposes πέριξ, Hermann has πέρι, adverbial: but it seems probable that the word has crept in from the margin.
3 αἱ τῶν τετελευτηκότων: Cf. 114a.
4 ἐκβάλλει,: ‘issues forth.’ In the passage of Aristotle already quoted ἐκβάλλειν, has the opposite sense, ‘discharges itself‘; it is in fact equivalent to ἐμβάλλει, in Plato’s account. Aristotle follows the ordinary usage, whereas Plato has formed his compounds to fit his present descriptions.
5 ζέουσαν ὕδατος καὶ πηλοῦ: ’boiling with water and mud.’ The genitive is joined with the verb as describing the material: cf. Anthologia Planudeis iv 39 καὶ πεδία ζείοντα πολυσπερέων Άγαρηνῶν.
6 περιελιττόμενος δὲ [τῇ γῇ]: Of the three writers who quote this passage, Stobaeus, Theodoret, and Eusebius, τῇ γῇ is found in the first alone: the words are, however, in all the mss. The objection to them is that they seem to make Pyriphlegethon flow on the surface of the earth, which, Schmidt notwithstanding, cannot be allowed. Stallbaum retains τῇ γῇ, and explains that Pyriphlegethon encircles the earth beneath its surface. But this seems scarcely a natural interpretation; and I have thought it better to bracket the words, which the Zurich editors expunge.
7 κατωτέρω τοῦ Ταρτάρου: ‘into a lower depth of Tartaros.’
8 ἣν ποιεῖ ὁ ποταμὸς: ἣν is absent from most mss. but is rightly added from Theodoret and certain mss. by Heindorf, who compares Laws 683a. The construction is indeed familiar enough.
9 Στύγα: Plato’s conception of Styx as a lake differs from that of the older authorities: cf. Hesiod Theogonia 786 following, where Styx is a river, a branch (κέρας) of Okeanos; and Homer l.l. makes Kokytos a branch of Styx.
10 ἀπαντᾷ ἐν τῇ Ἀχερουσιάδι λίμνῃ: The convolutions of these four rivers are a little perplexing. They issue from Tartaros on four different sides: Okeanos emerges to the surface and encompasses the whole earth; of its return to Tartaros we are told nothing. Acheron, issuing from the opposite side, flows in the contrary direction, partly on the surface, partly beneath the earth; and before re-entering Tartaros forms the Acherusian lake, Pyriphlegethon, rising half-way between the two former, not far from its source forms the boiling lake, and after many windings skirts one end of the Acherusian lake before plunging into the profoundest deeps of Tartaros. Its course is entirely subterranean. Kokytos, flowing in the opposite direction, ascends to the surface, where it spreads into the Stygian lake; then diving into the earth, it reaches the Acherusian lake from the contrary side to Pyriphlegethon; and making another circuit enters Tartaros opposite to that river. Styx, it will be noticed, is on the earth’s surface, whereas the other two lakes are subterranean.

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Phaedo, Part 62.

|113d| “Such is the nature of these things. Now when the dead have come to the place where each is led by his genius, first they are judged and sentenced, as they have lived well and piously, or not. And those who are found to have lived neither well nor ill, go to the Acheron and, embarking upon vessels provided for them, arrive in them at the lake; there they dwell and are purified, and if they have done any wrong they are absolved by paying the penalty for their wrong doings, |113e| and for their good deeds they receive rewards, each according to his merits. But those who appear to be incurable, on account of the greatness of their wrongdoings, because they have committed many great deeds of sacrilege, or wicked and abominable murders, or any other such crimes, are cast by their fitting destiny into Tartarus, whence they never emerge. Those, however, who are curable, but are found to have committed great sins—who have, for example, in a moment of passion done some act of violence against father or mother and |114a| have lived in repentance the rest of their lives, or who have slain some other person under similar conditions—these must needs be thrown into Tartarus, and when they have been there a year the wave casts them out, the homicides by way of Cocytus, those who have outraged their parents by way of Pyriphlegethon. And when they have been brought by the current to the Acherusian lake, they shout and cry out, calling to those whom they have slain or outraged, begging and beseeching them |114b| to be gracious and to let them come out into the lake; and if they prevail they come out and cease from their ills, but if not, they are borne away again to Tartarus and thence back into the rivers, and this goes on until they prevail upon those whom they have wronged; for this is the penalty imposed upon them by the judges. But those who are found to have excelled in holy living are freed from these regions within the earth and are released as from prisons; |114c| they mount upward into their pure abode and dwell upon the earth. And of these, all who have duly purified themselves by philosophy live henceforth altogether without bodies, and pass to still more beautiful abodes which it is not easy to describe, nor have we now time enough.
  “But, Simmias, because of all these things which we have recounted we ought to do our best to acquire virtue and wisdom in life. For the prize is fair and the hope great.

Φαιδων, Part 62.

|113δ| τούτων δὲ οὕτως πεφυκότων, ἐπειδὰν ἀφίκωνται οἱ τετελευτηκότες εἰς τὸν τόπον οἷ ὁ δαίμων 1 ἕκαστον κομίζει, πρῶτον μὲν διεδικάσαντο οἵ τε καλῶς καὶ ὁσίως βιώσαντες καὶ οἱ μή. καὶ οἳ μὲν ἂν δόξωσι μέσως βεβιωκέναι, πορευθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀχέροντα, ἀναβάντες 2 ἃ δὴ αὐτοῖς ὀχήματά ἐστιν, ἐπὶ τούτων ἀφικνοῦνται εἰς τὴν λίμνην, καὶ ἐκεῖ οἰκοῦσί τε καὶ καθαιρόμενοι τῶν τε ἀδικημάτων διδόντες δίκας ἀπολύονται, εἴ τίς τι ἠδίκηκεν, τῶν τε εὐεργεσιῶν |113ε| τιμὰς φέρονται κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἕκαστος: οἳ δ᾽ ἂν δόξωσιν ἀνιάτως ἔχειν 3 διὰ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων, ἢ ἱεροσυλίας 4 πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ἢ φόνους ἀδίκους καὶ παρανόμους πολλοὺς ἐξειργασμένοι ἢ ἄλλα ὅσα τοιαῦτα τυγχάνει ὄντα, τούτους δὲ ἡ προσήκουσα μοῖρα ῥίπτει εἰς τὸν Τάρταρον, ὅθεν οὔποτε ἐκβαίνουσιν. 5
—οἳ δ᾽ ἂν ἰάσιμα μὲν μεγάλα δὲ δόξωσιν ἡμαρτηκέναι ἁμαρτήματα, οἷον πρὸς πατέρα ἢ μητέρα |114α| ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς βίαιόν τι πράξαντες, καὶ μεταμέλον αὐτοῖς 6 τὸν ἄλλον βίον βιῶσιν, ἢ ἀνδροφόνοι τοιούτῳ τινὶ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ 7 γένωνται, τούτους δὲ ἐμπεσεῖν μὲν εἰς τὸν Τάρταρον ἀνάγκη, ἐμπεσόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐκεῖ γενομένους ἐκβάλλει τὸ κῦμα, 8 τοὺς μὲν ἀνδροφόνους κατὰ τὸν Κωκυτόν, τοὺς δὲ πατραλοίας καὶ μητραλοίας 9 κατὰ τὸν Πυριφλεγέθοντα: ἐπειδὰν δὲ φερόμενοι γένωνται κατὰ τὴν λίμνην 10 τὴν Ἀχερουσιάδα, ἐνταῦθα βοῶσί τε καὶ καλοῦσιν, οἱ μὲν οὓς ἀπέκτειναν, οἱ δὲ οὓς ὕβρισαν, καλέσαντες δ᾽ ἱκετεύουσι
|114β| καὶ δέονται ἐᾶσαι σφᾶς ἐκβῆναι εἰς τὴν λίμνην καὶ δέξασθαι, καὶ ἐὰν μὲν πείσωσιν, ἐκβαίνουσί τε καὶ λήγουσι τῶν κακῶν, εἰ δὲ μή, φέρονται αὖθις εἰς τὸν Τάρταρον καὶ ἐκεῖθεν πάλιν εἰς τοὺς ποταμούς, καὶ ταῦτα πάσχοντες οὐ πρότερον παύονται πρὶν ἂν πείσωσιν οὓς ἠδίκησαν: 11 αὕτη γὰρ ἡ δίκη ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν αὐτοῖς ἐτάχθη. οἳ δὲ δὴ ἂν δόξωσι διαφερόντως πρὸς τὸ ὁσίως βιῶναι, 12 οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ τῶνδε μὲν τῶν τόπων τῶν ἐν τῇ γῇ ἐλευθερούμενοί τε καὶ ἀπαλλαττόμενοι |114ξ| ὥσπερ δεσμωτηρίων, ἄνω δὲ εἰς τὴν καθαρὰν οἴκησιν ἀφικνούμενοι καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς 13 οἰκιζόμενοι. τούτων δὲ αὐτῶν οἱ φιλοσοφίᾳ ἱκανῶς καθηράμενοι 14 ἄνευ τε σωμάτων ζῶσι τὸ παράπαν εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον, καὶ εἰς οἰκήσεις ἔτι τούτων καλλίους ἀφικνοῦνται, ἃς οὔτε ῥᾴδιον δηλῶσαι οὔτε ὁ χρόνος ἱκανὸς ἐν τῷ παρόντι. ἀλλὰ τούτων δὴ ἕνεκα χρὴ ὧν διεληλύθαμεν, ὦ Σιμμία, πᾶν ποιεῖν ὥστε ἀρετῆς καὶ φρονήσεως ἐν τῷ βίῳ μετασχεῖν: καλὸν γὰρ τὸ ἆθλον καὶ ἡ ἐλπὶς μεγάλη.

1 ὁ δαίμων: Cf. 107d.
2 b>ἀναβάντες: ‘going on board vessels which, it is said (δή), are provided for them.’
3 ἀνιάτως ἔχειν: These incurables were cast into Tartaros, not in retribution for their crimes, but as warnings to others; since to Plato punishment is always either remedial or exemplary. So Gorgias 525c οἳ δ᾽ ἂν τὰ ἔσχατα ἀδικήσωσι καὶ διὰ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀδικήματα ἀνίατοι γένωνται, ἐκ τούτων τὰ παραδείγματα γίγνεται, καὶ οὗτοι αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐκέτι ὀνίνανται οὐδέν, ἅτε ἀνίατοι ὄντες, ἄλλοι δὲ ὀνίνανται οἱ τούτους ὁρῶντες διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας τὰ μέγιστα καὶ ὀδυνηρότατα καὶ φοβερώτατα πάθη πάσχοντας τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον, ἀτεχνῶς παραδείγματα ἀνηρτημένους ἐκεῖ ἐν Ἅιδου ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ, τοῖς ἀεὶ τῶν ἀδίκων ἀφικνουμένοις θεάματα καὶ νουθετήματα. {in no other way can there be riddance of iniquity. But of those who have done extreme wrong and, as a result of such crimes, have become incurable, of those are the examples made; no longer are they profited at all themselves, since they are incurable, but others are profited who behold them undergoing for their transgressions the greatest, sharpest, and most fearful sufferings evermore, actually hung up as examples there in the infernal dungeon, a spectacle and a lesson to such wrongdoers} Cf. Republic 616a.
4 ἱεροσυλίας: This was a peculiarly heinous offence: cf. Laws 854a, where the law thus addresses the sacrilegious, ὦ θαυμάσιε, οὐκ ἀνθρώπινόν σε κακὸν οὐδὲ θεῖον κινεῖ τὸ νῦν ἐπὶ τὴν ἱεροσυλίαν προτρέπον ἰέναι, οἶστρος δέ σέ τις ἐμφυόμενος ἐκ παλαιῶν καὶ ἀκαθάρτων τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀδικημάτων, περιφερόμενος ἀλιτηριώδης. {the evil force that now moves you and prompts you to go temple-robbing is neither of human origin nor of divine, but it is some impulse bred of old in men from ancient wrongs unexpiated, which courses round wreaking ruin.}
5 ὅθεν οὔποτε ἐκβαίνουσιν: In the νέκυιαι {rites by which ghosts were called up and questioned} of the Republic and Gorgias also incurable criminals are doomed to eternal punishment: and this is natural where Plato is weaving up popular tradition with his own phantasy. But in Timaeus 42c it is evident that the degenerate soul at any period of her transmigrations has the chance of reformation and final restoration to her original purity; nor is this possibility excluded in Phaedrus 248 following.
6 καὶ μεταμέλον αὐτοῖς: ‘and who have lived the rest of their days in a state of repentance.’ The participle μεταμέλον is used absolutely.
7 τοιούτῳ τινὶ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ: i.e. their offence is similar to that of the πατραλοῖαι in that it was committed in sudden passion and followed by repentance, and different from that of the φόνους ἀδίκους καὶ παρανόμους πολλοὺς ἐξειργασμένοι.
8 τὸ κῦμα: i.e. ἡ αἰώρα.
9 πατραλοίας καὶ μητραλοίας: These terms apply not only to parricides and matricides, but to any one who strikes a father or mother.
10 κατὰ τὴν λίμνην: It will be remembered that both these rivers enter the Acherusian lake.
11 πρὶν ἂν πείσωσιν οὓς ἠδίκησαν: This was no doubt suggested by the Athenian law which enacted that a person guilty of involuntary homicide must appease the family of the deceased before he could return from exile: cf. Demosthenes Aristokr. p. 644. It would appear that the injured family could not insist upon more than a year’s exile, which was called ἀπενιαυτισμός. Plato adopts this period in Laws 869e ὡς ἀκουσίου γεγονότος τοῦ φόνου, οἵ τε καθαρμοὶ γιγνέσθωσαν τῷ δράσαντι καὶ ἐνιαυτὸς εἷς ἔστω τῆς ἐκδημίας ἐν νόμῳ. {the purifications for the culprit shall be made as though the murder were involuntary, and one year of exile shall be imposed by law}: cf. 865e. In Laws 872e we are told that in another life it shall be done to the willful homicide as he did to his victim: τοῦ γὰρ κοινοῦ μιανθέντος αἵματος οὐκ εἶναι κάθαρσιν ἄλλην, οὐδὲ ἔκπλυτον ἐθέλειν γίγνεσθαι τὸ μιανθὲν πρὶν φόνον φόνῳ ὁμοίῳ ὅμοιον ἡ δράσασα ψυχὴ τείσῃ καὶ πάσης τῆς συγγενείας τὸν θυμὸν ἀφιλασαμένη κοιμίσῃ. {for of the pollution of common blood there is no other purification, nor does the stain of pollution admit of being washed off before the soul which committed the act pays back murder for murder, like for like, and thus by propitiation lays to rest the wrath of all the kindred}.
12 δόξωσι διαφερόντως πρὸς τὸ ὁσίως βιῶναι: The text is certainly corrupt. Stallbaum’s attempt to make βιῶναι do double duty isfutile, and his quotations are, transparently irrelevant. Schanz, following Heindorf, inserts from Theodoret προκεκρίσθαι after βιῶναι. This has some support from Clement of Alexandria, who reads προκεκρίσθαι; but it is not satisfactory. For while it is sense to say ‘who are deemed to have lived holily,’ it is not sense to say ‘who are deemed to have been judged to have lived holily.’ I suspect that Theodoret’s προκεκρίσθαι is merely a clumsy attempt to supply a deficiency which existed in his copy, and that Plato’s real word has been lost: possibly ἔχειν after διαφερόντως, unless we should read πρὸς τὸ ὁσίιον.
13 ἐπὶ γῆς: so all mss. Eusebius, Theodoret, and Stobaeus have ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς: but the article is not required. ‘Upon the earth’ means of course on the true surface, distinguished from the hollow wherein we dwell.
14 καθηράμενοι: a genuine reflexive middle: ‘who have purified themselves.’ ἄνευ τε σωμάτων: I conceive this to mean ‘without earthly bodies’: for the most exalted of finite spirits, even the gods, must have body of some sort; that is, they are subject to the conditions of space and time. Cf. Phaedrus 246c {the soul which has lost its wings is borne along until it gets hold of something solid, when it settles down, taking upon itself an earthly body, which seems to be self-moving, because of the power of the soul within it; and the whole, compounded of soul and body, is called a living being, and is further designated as mortal}. ἄνευ σωμάτων to Plato signifies freedom from bodily appetites.

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Phaedo, Part 63.

|114d| “Now it would not be fitting for a man of sense to maintain that all this is just as I have described it, but that this or something like it is true concerning our souls and their abodes, since the soul is shown to be immortal, I think he may properly and worthily venture to believe; for the venture is well worth while; and he ought to repeat such things to himself as if they were magic charms, which is the reason why I have been lengthening out the story so long. This then is why a man should be of good cheer about his soul, who in his life |114e| has rejected the pleasures and ornaments of the body, thinking they are alien to him and more likely to do him harm than good, and has sought eagerly for those of learning, and after adorning his soul with no alien ornaments, but with its own proper adornment of self-restraint and justice and |115a| courage and freedom and truth, awaits his departure to the other world, ready to go when fate calls him. You, Simmias and Kebes and the rest,” he said, “will go hereafter, each in his own time; but I am now already, as a tragedian would say, called by fate, and it is about time for me to go to the bath; for I think it is better to bathe before drinking the poison, that the women may not have the trouble of bathing the corpse.”
  Phaedo 114d–115a, c. lxiii. To insist that all these details are strictly accurate were folly; yet something like this is the fate of the soul and her habitation after death. Wherefore it is well worth while for a man to bestow all care upon his soul during this life, that she may be free from bodily passions and adorned with true virtue. And now, continues Sokrates, my hour is at hand; and I will go to bathe my body for my burial.

Φαιδων, Part 63.

|114δ| τὸ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα διισχυρίσασθαι 1 οὕτως ἔχειν ὡς ἐγὼ διελήλυθα, οὐ πρέπει νοῦν ἔχοντι ἀνδρί: ὅτι μέντοι ἢ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἢ τοιαῦτ᾽ ἄττα περὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἡμῶν καὶ τὰς οἰκήσεις, ἐπείπερ ἀθάνατόν γε ἡ ψυχὴ φαίνεται οὖσα, τοῦτο καὶ πρέπειν μοι δοκεῖ καὶ ἄξιον κινδυνεῦσαι οἰομένῳ οὕτως ἔχειν—καλὸς γὰρ ὁ κίνδυνος—καὶ χρὴ τὰ τοιαῦτα ὥσπερ ἐπᾴδειν ἑαυτῷ, 2 διὸ δὴ ἔγωγε καὶ πάλαι μηκύνω τὸν μῦθον. 3
—ἀλλὰ τούτων δὴ ἕνεκα θαρρεῖν χρὴ περὶ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ ψυχῇ |114ε| ἄνδρα ὅστις ἐν τῷ βίῳ τὰς μὲν ἄλλας ἡδονὰς τὰς περὶ τὸ σῶμα καὶ τοὺς κόσμους εἴασε χαίρειν, ὡς ἀλλοτρίους τε ὄντας, καὶ πλέον θάτερον ἡγησάμενος ἀπεργάζεσθαι, 4 τὰς δὲ περὶ τὸ μανθάνειν ἐσπούδασέ τε καὶ κοσμήσας τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ ἀλλοτρίῳ ἀλλὰ τῷ αὐτῆς κόσμῳ, σωφροσύνῃ τε καὶ |115α| δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ ἐλευθερίᾳ καὶ ἀληθείᾳ, 5 οὕτω περιμένει τὴν εἰς Ἅιδου πορείαν ὡς πορευσόμενος ὅταν ἡ εἱμαρμένη καλῇ. ὑμεῖς μὲν οὖν, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία τε καὶ Κέβης καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι, εἰς αὖθις ἔν τινι χρόνῳ ἕκαστοι πορεύσεσθε: 6 ἐμὲ δὲ νῦν ἤδη καλεῖ, φαίη ἂν ἀνὴρ τραγικός, 7 ἡ εἱμαρμένη, καὶ σχεδόν τί μοι ὥρα τραπέσθαι πρὸς τὸ λουτρόν: δοκεῖ γὰρ δὴ βέλτιον εἶναι λουσάμενον πιεῖν τὸ φάρμακον καὶ μὴ πράγματα ταῖς γυναιξὶ παρέχειν 8 νεκρὸν λούειν.

1 τὸ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα διισχυρίσασθαι: Plato lays no stress upon the exact details of his description; indeed he is never at any pains to make his various accounts of ‘die letzten Dinge; precisely correspond: all he is really concerned about is that the virtuous soul is better off in the other world than the vicious.
2 ἐπᾴδειν ἑαυτῷ: cf. 77e ἀλλὰ χρή, ἐπᾴδειν αὐτῷ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἕως ἂν ἐξεπᾴσητε {“Ah, you must sing charms to him every day until you charm away his fear.”}.
3 διὸ δὴ ἔγωγε καὶ πάλαι μηκύνω τὸν μῦθον: This phrase would seem to bear out the view of the myth given in the Introduction, p. 8.
4 πλέον θάτερον ἡγησάμενος ἀπεργάζεσθαι: ‘thinking that they do more harm than good:’ For this use of θάτερον cf. Euthydemus 297d. Also Pindar Pythia III 34 δαίμων δ᾽ ἕτερος {raging with irresistible force}.
5 ἐλευθερίᾳ καὶ ἀληθείᾳ: ‘with freedom and truth.’ These terms practically correspond to φρόνησις {phronesis = understanding} or σοφία {sophia = wisdom}. Ἐλευθερίᾳ {elutheria = liberty} is that state of liberation from the body which enables the soul to grasp ἀληθείᾳ {alétheia = truth}.
6 ἕκαστοι πορεύσεσθε: so nearly all mss. Schanz writes ἕκαστος after Stallbaum.
7 φαίη ἂν ἀνὴρ τραγικός: ‘to speak like a hero of tragedy.’ The good taste of this parenthesis is admirable. ὅταν ἡ εἱμαρμένη καλεῖ is in perfect keeping with the eloquent passage which is its context; but in applying the phrase to himself Sokrates instinctively feels the risk that it may sound, high-flown. And so with these words he passes simply and naturally from his lofty flight of moralising to the homely, but eminently characteristic, ὥρα τραπέσθαι πρὸς τὸ λουτρόν.
8 καὶ μὴ πράγματα ταῖς γυναιξὶ παρέχειν: ‘and not to give the women the trouble of washing my corpse.’ This piece of thoughtfulness for others is admirable evidence of the perfect serenity with which Sokrates awaits his doom.

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Phaedo, Part 64.

—When he had finished speaking, Crito said: |115b |“Well, Sokrates, do you wish to leave any directions with us about your children or anything else—anything we can do to serve you?”
—“What I always say, Crito,” he replied, “nothing new. If you take care of yourselves you will serve me and mine and yourselves, whatever you do, even if you make no promises now; but if you neglect yourselves and are not willing to live following step by step, as it were, in the path marked out by our present and past discussions, you will accomplish nothing, |115c| no matter how much or how eagerly you promise at present.”
—“We will certainly try hard to do as you say,” he replied. “But how shall we bury you?”
—“However you please,” he replied, “if you can catch me and I do not get away from you.” And he laughed gently, and looking towards us, said: “I cannot persuade Crito, my friends, that the Sokrates who is now conversing and arranging the details of his argument is really I; he thinks I am the one whom he will presently see as a corpse, |115d| and he asks how to bury me. And though I have been saying at great length that after I drink the poison I shall no longer be with you, but shall go away to the joys of the blessed you know of, he seems to think that was idle talk uttered to encourage you and myself. So,” he said, “give security for me to Crito, the opposite of that which he gave the judges at my trial; for he gave security that I would remain, but you must give security that I shall not remain when I die, |115e| but shall go away, so that Crito may bear it more easily, and may not be troubled when he sees my body being burnt or buried, or think I am undergoing terrible treatment, and may not say at the funeral that he is laying out Sokrates, or following him to the grave, or burying him. For, dear Crito, you may be sure that such wrong words are not only undesirable in themselves, but they infect the soul with evil. No, you must be of good courage, and say that you bury my body,—and bury it |116a| as you think best and as seems to you most fitting.”
  Phaedo 115a–116a, c. lxiv. Kriton now inquires of Sokrates what are his last injunctions. Only that you will take good heed to yourselves, he replies, and put into practice the principles affirmed in our late discourse. But how are we to bury you? asks Kriton. Sokrates answers with a smile, As you please, provided you can catch me. It would seem that all my words have been thrown away, and I fail to persuade you that this Sokrates who now speaks to you will presently take flight to the company of the gods, and that all you will bury is his forsaken body. So, my friends, be surety for me to Kriton, not this time that I shall stay, but that I shall verily depart. But seriously such incorrect language is mischievous: say then that it is my body which you bury, and bury it as seems to you best.

Φαιδων, Part 64.

|115β| ταῦτα δὴ εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ ὁ Κρίτων, εἶεν, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες: τί δὲ τούτοις ἢ ἐμοὶ ἐπιστέλλεις 1 ἢ περὶ τῶν παίδων ἢ περὶ ἄλλου του, ὅτι ἄν σοι ποιοῦντες ἡμεῖς ἐν χάριτι μάλιστα ποιοῖμεν;
—ἅπερ ἀεὶ λέγω, 2 ἔφη, ὦ Κρίτων, οὐδὲν καινότερον: ὅτι ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἐπιμελούμενοι ὑμεῖς καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς καὶ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἐν χάριτι ποιήσετε ἅττ᾽ ἂν ποιῆτε, κἂν μὴ νῦν ὁμολογήσητε: ἐὰν δὲ ὑμῶν μὲν αὐτῶν ἀμελῆτε καὶ μὴ ‘θέλητε ὥσπερ κατ᾽ ἴχνη κατὰ τὰ νῦν τε εἰρημένα καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν χρόνῳ ζῆν, οὐδὲ ἐὰν πολλὰ ὁμολογήσητε |15ξ| ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ σφόδρα, οὐδὲν πλέον ποιήσετε.
—ταῦτα μὲν τοίνυν προθυμησόμεθα, ἔφη, οὕτω ποιεῖν: θάπτωμεν δέ σε τίνα τρόπον;
—ὅπως ἄν, ἔφη, βούλησθε, ἐάνπερ γε λάβητέ με καὶ μὴ ἐκφύγω ὑμᾶς. γελάσας δὲ ἅμα ἡσυχῇ καὶ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀποβλέψας εἶπεν: οὐ πείθω, ὦ ἄνδρες, Κρίτωνα, ὡς ἐγώ εἰμι 3 οὗτος Σωκράτης, ὁ νυνὶ διαλεγόμενος καὶ διατάττων ἕκαστον τῶν λεγομένων, ἀλλ᾽ οἴεταί με ἐκεῖνον εἶναι |115δ| ὃν ὄψεται ὀλίγον ὕστερον νεκρόν, καὶ ἐρωτᾷ δὴ πῶς με θάπτῃ. ὅτι δὲ ἐγὼ πάλαι πολὺν λόγον πεποίημαι, ὡς, ἐπειδὰν πίω τὸ φάρμακον, οὐκέτι ὑμῖν παραμενῶ, ἀλλ᾽ οἰχήσομαι ἀπιὼν εἰς μακάρων δή τινας εὐδαιμονίας, ταῦτά μὴ δοκῶ αὐτῷ ἄλλως λέγειν, 4 παραμυθούμενος ἅμα μὲν ὑμᾶς, ἅμα δ᾽ ἐμαυτόν. ἐγγυήσασθε οὖν με πρὸς Κρίτωνα, ἔφη, τὴν ἐναντίαν ἐγγύην ἢ ἣν οὗτος πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς ἠγγυᾶτο. 5 οὗτος μὲν γὰρ ἦ μὴν παραμενεῖν: ὑμεῖς δὲ ἦ μὴν μὴ παραμενεῖν ἐγγυήσασθε ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνω, ἀλλὰ οἰχήσεσθαι |115ε| ἀπιόντα, ἵνα Κρίτων ῥᾷον φέρῃ, καὶ μὴ ὁρῶν μου τὸ σῶμα ἢ καόμενον ἢ κατορυττόμενον ἀγανακτῇ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ ὡς δεινὰ πάσχοντος, μηδὲ λέγῃ ἐν τῇ ταφῇ ὡς ἢ προτίθεται Σωκράτη ἢ ἐκφέρει ἢ κατορύττει. εὖ γὰρ ἴσθι, 6 ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὦ ἄριστε Κρίτων, τὸ μὴ καλῶς λέγειν οὐ μόνον εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο πλημμελές, ἀλλὰ καὶ κακόν τι ἐμποιεῖ ταῖς ψυχαῖς. ἀλλὰ θαρρεῖν τε χρὴ καὶ φάναι τοὐμὸν σῶμα θάπτειν, καὶ θάπτειν |116α| οὕτως 7 ὅπως ἄν σοι φίλον ᾖ καὶ μάλιστα ἡγῇ νόμιμον εἶναι.

1 ἐπιστέλλεις: ‘proprium de extrema morientium voluntate.’Heindorf. Cf. 116b ἐπιστείλας ἅττα ἐβούλετο {gave them such directions as he wished}.
2 ἅπερ ἀεὶ λέγω: ‘what I am always saying; nothing fresh: that if you take good care of yourselves you will best please me and mine and yourselves also in whatever you do, even though you make no promise now; but if you are negligent of yourselves and will not guide your lives along the track of our present and our former discourse, though your promises be never so many and earnest at this moment, you will profit nothing.’ ἐπιμελούμενοι = taking heed to your ways, that you may live virtuously and rationally. Cobet would omit κατὰ before τὰ νῦν, but Schanz cites Euthyphro 2c ἔρχεται κατηγορήσων μου ὥσπερ πρὸς μητέρα πρὸς τὴν πόλιν {he seems to me to be the only one of the public men who begins in the right way}.
3 ὡς ἐγώ εἰμι: ‘I cannot persuade Kriton, my friends, that the real “I” is that Sokrates who now converses with you and duly arranges every part of his discourse; he imagines I am that which he will presently see as a corpse; and he actually (δή) inquires how he is to bury me.’ The article is omitted before Σωκράτης in the best mss. and by some editors. In that case we should take Σωκράτης as in apposition to ovros. Wyttenbach appositely quotes Laws 959a-b τὸ δὲ σῶμα ἰνδαλλόμενον ἡμῶν ἑκάστοις ἕπεσθαι, καὶ τελευτησάντων λέγεσθαι καλῶς εἴδωλα εἶναι τὰ τῶν νεκρῶν σώματα, τὸν δὲ ὄντα ἡμῶν ἕκαστον ὄντως, ἀθάνατον εἶναι ψυχὴν ἐπονομαζόμενον, παρὰ θεοὺς ἄλλους ἀπιέναι {what makes each of us to be what he is is nothing else than the soul, while the body is a semblance which attends on each of us, it being well said that the bodily corpses are images of the dead, but that which is the real self of each of us, and which we term the immortal soul, departs}.
4 ταῦτά μὴ [μοι] δοκῶ αὐτῷ ἄλλως λέγειν: I have on the suggestion of Dr. Jackson substituted μὴ for the vulgate μοι, which Schanz, following Madvig, brackets.
5 οὗτος πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς ἠγγυᾶτο: Kriton was bail for Sokrates in conjunction with Plato and Kritobulos and Apollodoros. Apology 38b.
6 εὖ γὰρ ἴσθι: ‘for you must know that incorrect speech is not only offensive on that score alone, but engenders mischief in our souls.’ An inaccurate mode of expression is apt to produce a loose and careless habit of thinking: Sokrates’ great object was to find out what things really are and call them by their right names, by obtaining a precise definition of each thing. That which we speak of as Sokrates is his soul, not his body; although, since the body is all we see, popular usage applies the name to the body even when the soul has quitted it. But, says Sokrates, not only is this in itself a slovenly mode of speech, but it may habituate us to thinking that the body is all that exists of a man.
7 θάπτειν οὕτως Most of the recent editors make θάπτειν depend upon φάναι. There seems to me no valid reason for doing so; and it makes better sense to take it with χρὴ.

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Phaedo, Part 65.

—When he had said this, he got up and went into another room to bathe; Crito followed him, but he told us to wait. So we waited, talking over with each other and discussing the discourse we had heard, and then speaking of the great misfortune that had befallen us, for we felt that he was like a father to us and that when bereft of him we should pass the rest of our lives as orphans. And when he had bathed |116b| and his children had been brought to him—for he had two little sons and one big one—and the women of the family had come, he talked with them in Crito’s presence and gave them such directions as he wished; then he told the women to go away, and he came to us. And it was now nearly sunset; for he had spent a long time within. And he came and sat down fresh from the bath. After that not much was said, and the servant |116c| of the eleven came and stood beside him and said: “Sokrates, I shall not find fault with you, as I do with others, for being angry and cursing me, when at the behest of the authorities, I tell them to drink the poison. No, I have found you in all this time in every way the noblest and gentlest and best man who has ever come here, and now I know your anger is directed against others, not against me, for you know who are blame. Now, for you know the message I came to bring you, farewell and try to bear what you must |116d| as easily as you can.” And he burst into tears and turned and went away. And Sokrates looked up at him and said: “Fare you well, too; I will do as you say.” And then he said to us: “How charming the man is! Ever since I have been here he has been coming to see me and talking with me from time to time, and has been the best of men, and now how nobly he weeps for me! But come, Crito, let us obey him, and let someone bring the poison, if it is ready; and if not, let the man prepare it.”
  Phaedo 116a–117a, c. lxv. Sokrates retires to the bath, and on his return takes leave of his children and household. After a little further conversation with his friends he is warned by the servant of the Eleven that the hour of his death is at hand. The man warmly testifies to the noble character of Sokrates and departs in tears. Sokrates, after a few kind words concerning him, bids the poison be brought. Nay, remonstrates Kriton, the sun is yet on the mountains; many prisoners have put off drinking the hemlock till far on into the evening: there is no haste. They acted after their kind, answers Sokrates; but I were false to myself, were I so covetous of the little remnant of my life: therefore bring the poison.

Φαιδων, Part 65.

—ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐκεῖνος μὲν ἀνίστατο εἰς οἴκημά τι ὡς λουσόμενος, καὶ ὁ Κρίτων εἵπετο αὐτῷ, ἡμᾶς δ᾽ ἐκέλευε περιμένειν. περιεμένομεν οὖν πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς διαλεγόμενοι περὶ τῶν εἰρημένων καὶ ἀνασκοποῦντες, τοτὲ δ᾽ αὖ περὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς διεξιόντες ὅση ἡμῖν γεγονυῖα εἴη, ἀτεχνῶς ἡγούμενοι ὥσπερ πατρὸς στερηθέντες διάξειν ὀρφανοὶ τὸν ἔπειτα βίον. ἐπειδὴ |116β| δὲ ἐλούσατο καὶ ἠνέχθη παρ᾽ αὐτὸν τὰ παιδία—δύο γὰρ αὐτῷ 1 ὑεῖς σμικροὶ ἦσαν, εἷς δὲ μέγας—καὶ αἱ οἰκεῖαι γυναῖκες 2 ἀφίκοντο [ἐκεῖναις] ἐναντίον 3 τοῦ Κρίτωνος διαλεχθείς τε καὶ ἐπιστείλας ἅττα ἐβούλετο, τὰς μὲν γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ παιδία ἀπιέναι ἐκέλευσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἧκε παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς. καὶ ἦν ἤδη ἐγγὺς ἡλίου δυσμῶν: χρόνον γὰρ πολὺν διέτριψεν ἔνδον. 4 ἐλθὼν δ᾽ ἐκαθέζετο λελουμένος καὶ οὐ πολλὰ ἄττα μετὰ ταῦτα διελέχθη, καὶ ἧκεν ὁ τῶν ἕνδεκα ὑπηρέτης καὶ στὰς |116ξ| παρ᾽ αὐτόν, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη, οὐ καταγνώσομαί 5 γε σοῦ ὅπερ ἄλλων καταγιγνώσκω, ὅτι μοι χαλεπαίνουσι καὶ καταρῶνται ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς παραγγείλω πίνειν τὸ φάρμακον ἀναγκαζόντων τῶν ἀρχόντων.
—σὲ δὲ ἐγὼ καὶ ἄλλως ἔγνωκα ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ γενναιότατον καὶ πρᾳότατον καὶ ἄριστον ἄνδρα ὄντα τῶν πώποτε δεῦρο ἀφικομένων, καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι οὐκ ἐμοὶ χαλεπαίνεις, 6 γιγνώσκεις γὰρ τοὺς αἰτίους, ἀλλὰ ἐκείνοις. νῦν οὖν, οἶσθα γὰρ ἃ ἦλθον |116δ| ἀγγέλλων, 7 χαῖρέ τε καὶ πειρῶ ὡς ῥᾷστα φέρειν τὰ ἀναγκαῖα. καὶ ἅμα δακρύσας μεταστρεφόμενος ἀπῄει.
—καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης ἀναβλέψας πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ σύ, ἔφη, χαῖρε, καὶ ἡμεῖς ταῦτα ποιήσομεν. καὶ ἅμα πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὡς ἀστεῖος, 8 ἔφη, ὁ ἄνθρωπος: καὶ παρὰ πάντα μοι τὸν χρόνον προσῄει καὶ διελέγετο ἐνίοτε καὶ ἦν ἀνδρῶν λῷστος, καὶ νῦν ὡς γενναίως με ἀποδακρύει. ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε δή, ὦ Κρίτων, πειθώμεθα αὐτῷ, καὶ ἐνεγκάτω τις τὸ φάρμακον, εἰ τέτριπται: εἰ δὲ μή, τριψάτω ὁ ἄνθρωπος.
|116ε| καὶ ὁ Κρίτων, ἀλλ᾽ οἶμαι, ἔφη, ἔγωγε, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔτι ἥλιον εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς ὄρεσιν καὶ οὔπω δεδυκέναι. καὶ ἅμα ἐγὼ οἶδα καὶ ἄλλους πάνυ ὀψὲ πίνοντας, ἐπειδὰν παραγγελθῇ αὐτοῖς, δειπνήσαντάς τε καὶ πιόντας εὖ μάλα, καὶ συγγενομένους γ᾽ ἐνίους ὧν ἂν τύχωσιν ἐπιθυμοῦντες. ἀλλὰ μηδὲν ἐπείγου: ἔτι γὰρ ἐγχωρεῖ. 9
—καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης, εἰκότως γε, ἔφη, ὦ Κρίτων, ἐκεῖνοί τε ταῦτα ποιοῦσιν, οὓς σὺ λέγεις—οἴονται γὰρ κερδαίνειν ταῦτα ποιήσαντες—καὶ ἔγωγε ταῦτα εἰκότως οὐ ποιήσω: 10 οὐδὲν γὰρ |117α| οἶμαι κερδανεῖν 11 ὀλίγον ὕστερον πιὼν ἄλλο γε ἢ γέλωτα ὀφλήσειν παρ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ, γλιχόμενος τοῦ ζῆν καὶ φειδόμενος οὐδενὸς ἔτι ἐνόντος. 12 ἀλλ᾽ ἴθι, ἔφη, πείθου καὶ μὴ ἄλλως ποίει.

1 δύο γὰρ αὐτῷ: cf. Apology 34d οἰκεῖοί μοί εἰσι καὶ ὑεῖς γε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τρεῖς, εἷς μὲν μειράκιον ἤδη, δύο δὲ παιδία {I have three sons, one nearly grown up, and two still children}. In Diogenes Laertius II 26 we are told that the name of the eldest was Lamprokles and those of the two younger Sophroniskos and Menexenos.
2 αἱ οἰκεῖαι γυναῖκες: i.e. the women of his family. Probably his wife was not among them, else Plato would have mentioned her. Some suppose that this expression gave rise to the absurd fable that Sokrates had two wives living at the same time; of whom the second, Myrto, daughter or granddaughter of the famous Aristeides, was the mother of his two younger children: see Diogenes Laertius l.l.
3 [ἐκεῖναις] ἐναντίον: The mss. vary between ἐκεῖναις and ἐκεῖναι, and also in the position of the word, which in many follows ἐναντίον. Since ἐκεῖναι and the position after ἐναντίον are alike impossible, I read as above; bracketing, however ἐκεῖναις as highly suspicious.
4 ἔνδον: sc. ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι.
5 οὐ καταγνώσομαί ‘I shall not have the complaint to make of you that I make of others.’
6 οὐκ ἐμοὶ χαλεπαίνεις: Some read χαλεπανεῖς, but the present is found in the best mss. and gives the best sense. ‘I know it is not with me that you are angry, but with them; for you know who are to blame for it.’ There is a subtle dramatic propriety in these words which is one of the finer touches of this matchless narrative. This man must have had a large experience of criminals and been accustomed to look on the baser side of humanity. He could, however, appreciate the nobility of Sokrates, so far as it is directly brought before his eyes; but he never thought of Sokrates as bearing no ill-will even against those who were really the cause of his death: this is something outside his experience.
7 ἃ ἦλθον ἀγγέλλων: So the best mss. Schanz needlessly reads ἀγγέλλῶν: but ἀγγέλλων is equivalent to ἀγγέλλίαν φέρων which we have in Crito 43c.
8 ὡς ἀστεῖος: ‘how courteous the good fellow is; throughout all this time he used to come and talk to me now and then, and was the best of men: and now how honestly he mourns for me.’ ἀποδακρύει as below 117c ἀπέκλαον ἐμαυτόν.
9 ἔτι γὰρ ἐγχωρεῖ: ‘for there is still time to spare.’
10 ταῦτα εἰκότως οὐ ποιήσω: Hirschig condemns εἰκότως, for no reason that I can see, though Schanz brackets it.
11 οὐδὲν γὰρ οἶμαι κερδανεῖν: The ms. authority is stronger for κερδαίνειν, but here I think Schanz is right in accepting the future. Prof. Geddes defends the present by a reference to Herodotus ix 106; but there Abicht reads ἐμμενέειν τε καὶ μὴ ἀποστήσεσθαι: besides which the construction is different. Plato could very well say οὐδὲν οἶμαι κερδαίνειν ἀλλὰ ὀφλήσειν, but οὐδὲν ἀλλο κερδανεῖν ἢ ὀφλήσειν seems very doubtful Greek.
12 φειδόμενος οὐδενὸς ἔτι ἐνόντος: ‘being chary when the vessel is empty’; a proverbial expression which we find in Hesiod Works and Days 367 μεσσόθι φείδεσθαι, δειλὴ δ’ ἐνὶ πυθμένι φειδώ.

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Phaedo, Part 66.

—And Crito said:
|116e| “But I think, Sokrates, the sun is still upon the mountains and has not yet set; and I know that others have taken the poison very late, after the order has come to them, and in the meantime have eaten and drunk and some of them enjoyed the society of those whom they loved. Do not hurry; for there is still time.”
—And Sokrates said: “Crito, those whom you mention are right in doing as they do, for they think they gain by it; and I shall be right in not doing as they do; |117a| for I think I should gain nothing by taking the poison a little later. I should only make myself ridiculous in my own eyes if I clung to life and spared it, when there is no more profit in it. Come,” he said, “do as I ask and do not refuse.”
—Thereupon Crito nodded to the boy who was standing near. The boy went out and stayed a long time, then came back with the man who was to administer the poison, which he brought with him in a cup ready for use. And when Sokrates saw him, he said: “Well, my good man, you know about these things; what must I do?” “Nothing,” he replied, “except drink the poison and walk about |117b| till your legs feel heavy; then lie down, and the poison will take effect of itself.”
—At the same time he held out the cup to Sokrates. He took it, and very gently, Echecrates, without trembling or changing color or expression, but looking up at the man with wide open eyes, as was his custom, said: “What do you say about pouring a libation to some deity from this cup? May I, or not?”
—“Sokrates,” said he, “we prepare only as much as we think is enough.”
—“I understand,” said Sokrates; |117c| “but I may and must pray to the gods that my departure hence be a fortunate one; so I offer this prayer, and may it be granted.”
—With these words he raised the cup to his lips and very cheerfully and quietly drained it. Up to that time most of us had been able to restrain our tears fairly well, but when we watched him drinking and saw that he had drunk the poison, we could do so no longer, but in spite of myself my tears rolled down in floods, so that I wrapped my face in my cloak and wept for myself; for it was not for him that I wept, |117d| but for my own misfortune in being deprived of such a friend. Crito had got up and gone away even before I did, because he could not restrain his tears. But Apollodorus, who had been weeping all the time before, then wailed aloud in his grief and made us all break down, except Sokrates himself. But he said, “What conduct is this, you strange men! I sent the women away chiefly for this very reason, that they might not behave in this absurd way; for I have heard that |117e| it is best to die in silence. Keep quiet and be brave.” Then we were ashamed and controlled our tears. He walked about and, when he said his legs were heavy, lay down on his back, for such was the advice of the attendant. The man who had administered the poison laid his hands on him and after a while examined his feet and legs, then pinched his foot hard and asked if he felt it. He said “No”; then after that, |118a| his thighs; and passing upwards in this way he showed us that he was growing cold and rigid. And again he touched him and said that when it reached his heart, he would be gone. The chill had now reached the region about the groin, and uncovering his face, which had been covered, he said—and these were his last words—“Crito, we owe a cock to Aesculapius. Pay it and do not neglect it.”
—“That,” said Crito, “shall be done; but see if you have anything else to say.” To this question he made no reply, but after a little while he moved; the attendant uncovered him; his eyes were fixed. And Crito when he saw it, closed his mouth and eyes.
—Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend, who was, as we may say, of all those of his time whom we have known, the best and wisest and most righteous man.
  Phaedo 117a–118a, cc. lxvi, lxvii. The last moments of Sokrates.

Φαιδων, Part 66.

—καὶ ὁ Κρίτων ἀκούσας ἔνευσε τῷ παιδὶ πλησίον ἑστῶτι. καὶ ὁ παῖς ἐξελθὼν καὶ συχνὸν χρόνον διατρίψας ἧκεν ἄγων τὸν μέλλοντα δώσειν τὸ φάρμακον, ἐν κύλικι φέροντα τετριμμένον. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Σωκράτης τὸν ἄνθρωπον, εἶεν, ἔφη, ὦ βέλτιστε, σὺ γὰρ τούτων ἐπιστήμων, τί χρὴ ποιεῖν;
—οὐδὲν ἄλλο, ἔφη, ἢ πιόντα περιιέναι, ἕως ἄν σου βάρος |117β| ἐν τοῖς σκέλεσι γένηται, ἔπειτα κατακεῖσθαι: καὶ οὕτως αὐτὸ ποιήσει. 1 καὶ ἅμα ὤρεξε τὴν κύλικα τῷ Σωκράτει.
—καὶ ὃς λαβὼν 2 καὶ μάλα ἵλεως, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, οὐδὲν τρέσας οὐδὲ διαφθείρας οὔτε τοῦ χρώματος οὔτε τοῦ προσώπου, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ εἰώθει ταυρηδὸν ὑποβλέψας πρὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον, τί λέγεις, ἔφη, περὶ τοῦδε τοῦ πώματος πρὸς τὸ ἀποσπεῖσαί τινι; ἔξεστιν ἢ οὔ;
—τοσοῦτον, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, τρίβομεν ὅσον οἰόμεθα μέτριον εἶναι πιεῖν.
|117ξ| μανθάνω, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς: ἀλλ᾽ εὔχεσθαί γέ που τοῖς θεοῖς ἔξεστί τε καὶ χρή, τὴν μετοίκησιν τὴν ἐνθένδε ἐκεῖσε εὐτυχῆ γενέσθαι: ἃ δὴ καὶ ἐγὼ εὔχομαί τε καὶ γένοιτο ταύτῃ. καὶ ἅμ᾽ εἰπὼν ταῦτα ἐπισχόμενος 3 καὶ μάλα εὐχερῶς καὶ εὐκόλως ἐξέπιεν. καὶ ἡμῶν οἱ πολλοὶ τέως μὲν ἐπιεικῶς οἷοί τε ἦσαν κατέχειν 4 τὸ μὴ δακρύειν, ὡς δὲ εἴδομεν πίνοντά τε καὶ πεπωκότα, οὐκέτι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοῦ γε βίᾳ καὶ αὐτοῦ 5 ἀστακτὶ ἐχώρει τὰ δάκρυα, ὥστε ἐγκαλυψάμενος ἀπέκλαον ἐμαυτόν—οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐκεῖνόν γε, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ τύχην, οἵου ἀνδρὸς |117δ| ἑταίρου ἐστερημένος εἴην. ὁ δὲ Κρίτων ἔτι πρότερος ἐμοῦ, ἐπειδὴ οὐχ οἷός τ᾽ ἦν κατέχειν τὰ δάκρυα, ἐξανέστη. Ἀπολλόδωρος δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν χρόνῳ οὐδὲν ἐπαύετο δακρύων, καὶ δὴ καὶ τότε ἀναβρυχησάμενος 6 κλαίων καὶ ἀγανακτῶν οὐδένα ὅντινα οὐ κατέκλασε τῶν παρόντων πλήν γε αὐτοῦ Σωκράτους.
—ἐκεῖνος δέ, ‘οἷα, ἔφη, ποιεῖτε, ὦ θαυμάσιοι. ἐγὼ μέντοι οὐχ ἥκιστα τούτου ἕνεκα τὰς γυναῖκας ἀπέπεμψα, ἵνα μὴ |117ε| τοιαῦτα πλημμελοῖεν: καὶ γὰρ ἀκήκοα ὅτι ἐν εὐφημίᾳ χρὴ τελευτᾶν. 7 ἀλλ᾽ ἡσυχίαν τε ἄγετε καὶ καρτερεῖτε.‘
—καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀκούσαντες ᾐσχύνθημέν τε καὶ ἐπέσχομεν τοῦ δακρύειν. ὁ δὲ περιελθών, ἐπειδή οἱ βαρύνεσθαι ἔφη τὰ σκέλη, κατεκλίνη ὕπτιος—οὕτω γὰρ ἐκέλευεν 8 ὁ ἄνθρωπος—καὶ ἅμα ἐφαπτόμενος αὐτοῦ οὗτος ὁ δοὺς τὸ φάρμακον, 9 διαλιπὼν χρόνον ἐπεσκόπει τοὺς πόδας καὶ τὰ σκέλη, κἄπειτα σφόδρα πιέσας αὐτοῦ τὸν πόδα ἤρετο εἰ αἰσθάνοιτο, |118α| ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἔφη. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο αὖθις τὰς κνήμας: καὶ ἐπανιὼν οὕτως ἡμῖν ἐπεδείκνυτο ὅτι ψύχοιτό τε καὶ πήγνυτο. 10 καὶ αὐτὸς ἥπτετο 11 καὶ εἶπεν ὅτι, ἐπειδὰν πρὸς τῇ καρδίᾳ γένηται αὐτῷ, τότε οἰχήσεται.
—ἤδη οὖν σχεδόν τι αὐτοῦ ἦν τὰ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον ψυχόμενα, καὶ ἐκκαλυψάμενος—ἐνεκεκάλυπτο γάρ—εἶπεν—ὃ δὴ τελευταῖον ἐφθέγξατο—‘ὦ Κρίτων, ἔφη, τῷ Ἀσκληπιῷ ὀφείλομεν ἀλεκτρυόνα: 12 ἀλλὰ ἀπόδοτε καὶ μὴ ἀμελήσητε.’
—ἀλλὰ ταῦτα, ἔφη, ἔσται, ὁ Κρίτων: ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα εἴ τι ἄλλο λέγεις.
—ταῦτα ἐρομένου αὐτοῦ οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀπεκρίνατο, ἀλλ᾽ ὀλίγον χρόνον διαλιπὼν ἐκινήθη 13 τε καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐξεκάλυψεν αὐτόν, καὶ ὃς τὰ ὄμματα ἔστησεν: ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Κρίτων συνέλαβε τὸ στόμα καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς.
—ἥδε ἡ τελευτή, 14 ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, τοῦ ἑταίρου ἡμῖν ἐγένετο, ἀνδρός, ὡς ἡμεῖς φαῖμεν ἄν, τῶν τότε ὧν ἐπειράθημεν ἀρίστου καὶ ἄλλως φρονιμωτάτου καὶ δικαιοτάτου.

1 αὐτὸ ποιήσει: ‘the poison will act of itself.’ ποιήσει is used in this technical sense by medical writers: Heindorf cites Dioscorides I 95 ποιεῖ πρὸς φάρμακα ‘is efficacious against poison.’ The lexicons also give Strabo 234 λοῦτρα κάλλιστα ποιοῦντα πρὸς νόσους.
2 καὶ ὃς λαβὼν: ‘and he took it right cheerfully, Echekrates, without a shudder or any change of complexion or countenance; but looking on the man with bent brows, as his manner was, he asked, What say you of this potion as to pouring a libation to some deity? is it permitted or not?’ Notice the earnest emphasis thrown on the words μάλα ἵλεως by the following ὦ Ἐχέκρατες. διαφθείρας = changing for the worse, as Prof. Geddes says: the partitive genitives strengthen the force of the negation. ταυρηδὸν ὑποβλέψας describes the fixed piercing gaze habitual to Sokrates, cf. 86d. For the use of πρὸς Stallbaum compares Symposium 174b, 176b. The man’s matter-of-fact reply and his conduct throughout serve to heighten the pathos: he does not mean to be unfeeling, but familiarity with such scenes has produced a certain professional indifference; he seems not to have been personally influenced by Sokrates like the servant of the eleven.
3 ἐπισχόμενος ‘putting it to his lips.’ The active ἐπισχεῖν is used of giving a draught to another.
4 κατέχειν: ‘we were able to refrain from tears.’ This usage of κατέχειν is rare: cf. Sophocles Oedipus Tyrannus 781 κἀγὼ βαρυνθεὶς τὴν μὲν οὖσαν ἡμέραν μόλις κατέσχον. Below we have the common use, κατέχειν τὰ δάκρυα.
5 ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοῦ γε βίᾳ καὶ αὐτοῦ: ‘but in spite of myself my tears began to flow in torrents.’Cope.
6 ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοῦ γε βίᾳ καὶ αὐτοῦ: ‘then above all bursting into loud sobs, by his weeping and lamenting he utterly broke down every one of the company, save Sokrates himself.’ Hirschig would omit κλαίων καὶ ἀγανακτῶν, Schanz brackets κλαίων καὶ but can anyone read the sentence without feeling that its rhythm is hopelessly ruined by either of these needless and mischievous omissions? With κατέκλασε Heindorf compares the Homeric κατεκλάσθη φιλον ἧτορ: and Stallbaum quotes two passages of Plutarch, Perikles 37, Demosthenes 22, where the word is used as here. The old editions had κατέλαυσε: Stephanus conjectured κατέκλασε, which was afterwards discovered in certain mss.
7 ἀκήκοα ὅτι ἐν εὐφημίᾳ χρὴ τελευτᾶν: According to Olympiodoros it was a Pythagorean precept.
8 οὕτω γὰρ ἐκέλευεν: i.e. ὕπτιον κατακλιθῆναι.
9 οὗτος ὁ δοὺς τὸ φάρμακον: Schanz brackets these words, but I think they are justly defended and retained by Heindorf.
10 πήγνυτο: contracted from πηγνύοιτο, cf. 77b.
11 καὶ αὐτὸς ἥπτετο: Sokrates himself did the same as the man. This seems to be mentioned simply as evidence of his perfect calmness. Forster proposes αὖθις, supposing that the subject of ἥπτετο is ὁ δοὺς τὸ φάρμακον, and Schanz reads αὖ, presumably on the same hypothesis. Neither alteration is to be commended.
12 τῷ Ἀσκληπιῷ ὀφείλομεν ἀλεκτρυόνα: It might have been supposed that the conception of life as a ‘fitful fever’ was familiar enough to spare us all the unprofitable ingenuity that has been expended on this passage. The last words of Sokrates are in perfect harmony with the whole tenor of his foregoing discourse. His soul is on the point of being liberated from the body and all its attendant infirmities and will presently be restored to her primal purity and health. Corporeal existence is in fact a morbid condition of the soul, for which death is the remedy; wherefore Sokrates vows to Asklepios the sacrifice customary on recovery from sickness. Prof. Geddes aptly quotes Timon of Athens v 1 ‘my long sickness of health and living now begins to mend.’ So Olympiodoros: ἵνα τὰ νενοσηκότα τῆς ψυχῆς ἐν τῇ γενέσει ταῦτα ἐξιάσηται: he speaks too of an oracle which declares τὰς ψυχὰς ἀναγομένας τὸν παιᾶνα ᾄδειν.
13 ἐκινήθη: ‘he stirred’: probably some slight spasm or shudder at the moment of dissolution. ἐκινήθη is far too mild a word to signify convulsions, as some would have it.
14 ἥδε ἡ τελευτή: The last three lines of the dialogue have been variously assailed by different critics on divers grounds. First Wyttenbach, offended by τότε proposes τῶν πώποτε. Heindorf would have πάντῶν, τότε ὧν ἐπειράθημεν. Schanz brackets ἄλλως. Hirschig is actually prepared to cancel all after ἐγένετο. I believe that every word stands exactly as Plato wrote it, and that not one could be altered or omitted without marring the sad music of this solemn close. Wyttenbach supports his τῶν πώποτε from Plutarch, but the Platonic passages he quotes have γενομένων, ἀφικομένων, etc., which makes all the difference. Moreover he introduces a tone of panegyric, which, though not perhaps exaggerated, is quite discordant with the subdued simplicity which is the chief charm of this wonderful scene, and with the studiously modest ὡς ἡμεῖς φαῖμεν ἄν: this has been remarked by Prof. Geddes. τῶν τότε, as Stallbaum says, ’solemnis est formula in eiusmodi praeconiis,’ meaning ‘of all his contemporaries‘; and for the reference of τότε to a recent period he cites Politicus 263e. But probably, as Grote suggests, Plato used the word rather from his own point of view at the time he wrote than from that of the supposed speaker. ἄλλως has reference not to τῶν τότε, as Heindorf thinks, but to ἀρίστου: ‘in other respects’ is practically equivalent to ‘moreover,’ or ‘besides’: it merely serves to mark the transition from the vaguer to the more definite expressions of praise. Preserving the sentence intact I should translate: ‘such was the end, Echekrates, of our companion—a man, as we should say, among all then living whom we knew the noblest, ay and the wisest and most just.’

The End

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Appendix I.

  δημοτικὴ καὶ πολιτικὴ ἀρετή. {civic and political virtue.}
  To the student of Plato’s ethics it is obviously important to determine exactly what is to be understood by the popular, as contrasted with the philosophic, ἀρετή, and should there prove to be more than one variety of the former, to distinguish between them. With a view to this, I propose to examine briefly Plato’s principal statements on the subject. Besides the passages in the Phaedo, 68d following, and 82a, the following extracts seem to me to contain a complete exposition of Plato’s views.
  i. Republic 554c. ἆρ᾽ οὖν οὐ τούτῳ δῆλον ὅτι ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις συμβολαίοις ὁ τοιοῦτος, ἐν οἷς εὐδοκιμεῖ δοκῶν δίκαιος εἶναι, ἐπιεικεῖ [554d] τινὶ ἑαυτοῦ βίᾳ κατέχει ἄλλας κακὰς ἐπιθυμίας ἐνούσας, οὐ πείθων ὅτι οὐκ ἄμεινον, οὐδ᾽ ἡμερῶν λόγῳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγκῃ καὶ φόβῳ, περὶ τῆς ἄλλης οὐσίας τρέμων;
—καὶ πάνυ γ᾽, ἔφη.
—καὶ νὴ Δία, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, ὦ φίλε, τοῖς πολλοῖς γε αὐτῶν ἐνευρήσεις, ὅταν δέῃ τἀλλότρια ἀναλίσκειν, τὰς τοῦ κηφῆνος συγγενεῖς ἐνούσας ἐπιθυμίας.
—καὶ μάλα, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, σφόδρα.
—οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἂν εἴη ἀστασίαστος ὁ τοιοῦτος ἐν ἑαυτῷ, οὐδὲ εἷς ἀλλὰ διπλοῦς τις, ἐπιθυμίας δὲ ἐπιθυμιῶν ὡς τὸ πολὺ [554e] κρατούσας ἂν ἔχοι βελτίους χειρόνων.
—ἔστιν οὕτω.
—διὰ ταῦτα δὴ οἶμαι εὐσχημονέστερος ἂν πολλῶν ὁ τοιοῦτος εἴη: ὁμονοητικῆς δὲ καὶ ἡρμοσμένης τῆς ψυχῆς ἀληθὴς ἀρετὴ πόρρω ποι ἐκφεύγοι ἂν αὐτόν.
  {i. Republic 554c. And is it not apparent by this that in other dealings, where he enjoys the repute of a seeming just man, he by some better element in himself [554d] forcibly keeps down other evil desires dwelling within, not persuading them that it ‘is better not’ nor taming them by reason, but by compulsion and fear, trembling for his possessions generally.”
—“Quite so,” he said.
—“Yes, by God,” said I, “my friend. In most of them, when there is occasion to spend the money of others, you will discover the existence of drone-like appetites.”
—”Most emphatically.”
—“Such a man, then, would not be free from internal dissension. He would not be really one, but in some sort a double man. Yet for the most part, [554e] his better desires would have the upper hand over the worse.”
—“It is so.”
—“And for this reason, I presume, such a man would be more seemly, more respectable, than many others; but the true virtue of a soul in unison and harmony with itself would escape him and dwell afar.”}
  ii. Republic 506a. οἶμαι γοῦν, εἶπον, δίκαιά τε καὶ καλὰ ἀγνοούμενα ὅπῃ ποτὲ ἀγαθά ἐστιν, οὐ πολλοῦ τινος ἄξιον φύλακα κεκτῆσθαι ἂν ἑαυτῶν τὸν τοῦτο ἀγνοοῦντα: μαντεύομαι δὲ μηδένα αὐτὰ πρότερον γνώσεσθαι ἱκανῶς.
  {ii. Republic 506a. “I fancy, at any rate,” said I, “that the just and the honorable, if their relation and reference to the good is not known, will not have secured a guardian of much worth in the man thus ignorant, and my surmise is that no one will understand them adequately before he knows this.”}
  iii. Republic 500d. ἂν οὖν τις, εἶπον, αὐτῷ [sc. τῷ φιλοσόφῳ] ἀνάγκη γένηται ἃ ἐκεῖ ὁρᾷ μελετῆσαι εἰς ἀνθρώπων ἤθη καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ τιθέναι καὶ μὴ μόνον ἑαυτὸν πλάττειν, ἆρα κακὸν δημιουργὸν αὐτὸν οἴει γενήσεσθαι σωφροσύνης τε καὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ συμπάσης τῆς δημοτικῆς ἀρετῆς;
—ἥκιστά γε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς.
—ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰν δὴ αἴσθωνται οἱ πολλοὶ ὅτι ἀληθῆ περὶ αὐτοῦ [500e] λέγομεν, χαλεπανοῦσι δὴ τοῖς φιλοσόφοις καὶ ἀπιστήσουσιν ἡμῖν λέγουσιν ὡς οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἄλλως εὐδαιμονήσειε πόλις, εἰ μὴ αὐτὴν διαγράψειαν οἱ τῷ θείῳ παραδείγματι χρώμενοι ζωγράφοι;
—οὐ χαλεπανοῦσιν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ἐάνπερ αἴσθωνται. ἀλλὰ δὴ [501a] τίνα λέγεις τρόπον τῆς διαγραφῆς;
—λαβόντες, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, ὥσπερ πίνακα πόλιν τε καὶ ἤθη ἀνθρώπων, πρῶτον μὲν καθαρὰν ποιήσειαν ἄν, ὃ οὐ πάνυ ῥᾴδιον: ἀλλ᾽ οὖν οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι τούτῳ ἂν εὐθὺς τῶν ἄλλων διενέγκοιεν, τῷ μήτε ἰδιώτου μήτε πόλεως ἐθελῆσαι ἂν ἅψασθαι μηδὲ γράφειν νόμους, πρὶν ἢ παραλαβεῖν καθαρὰν ἢ αὐτοὶ ποιῆσαι.
—καὶ ὀρθῶς γ᾽, ἔφη.
—οὐκοῦν μετὰ ταῦτα οἴει ὑπογράψασθαι ἂν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πολιτείας;
—τί μήν; [501b]
—ἔπειτα οἶμαι ἀπεργαζόμενοι πυκνὰ ἂν ἑκατέρως᾽ ἀποβλέποιεν, πρός τε τὸ φύσει δίκαιον καὶ καλὸν καὶ σῶφρον καὶ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα, καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖν᾽ αὖ τὸ ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐμποιοῖεν, συμμειγνύντες τε καὶ κεραννύντες ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων τὸ ἀνδρείκελον, ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου τεκμαιρόμενοι, ὃ δὴ καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐκάλεσεν ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐγγιγνόμενον θεοειδές τε καὶ θεοείκελον.
  {iii. Republic 500d. “If, then,” I said, “some compulsion is laid upon him to practise stamping on the plastic matter of human nature in public and private the patterns that he visions there, and not merely to mould and fashion himself, do you think he will prove a poor craftsman of sobriety and justice and all forms of ordinary civic virtue?”
—“By no means,” he said.
—“But if the multitude become aware [500e] that what we are saying of the philosopher is true, will they still be harsh with philosophers, and will they distrust our statement that no city could ever be blessed unless its lineaments were traced by artists who used the heavenly model?”
—“They will not be harsh,” [501a] he said, “if they perceive that. But tell me, what is the manner of that sketch you have in mind?”
—“They will take the city and the characters of men, as they might a tablet, and first wipe it clean—no easy task. But at any rate you know that this would be their first point of difference from ordinary reformers, that they would refuse to take in hand either individual or state or to legislate before they either received a clean slate or themselves made it clean.”
—“And they would be right,” he said.
—“And thereafter, do you not think that they would sketch the figure of the constitution?”
—“Surely.”
—“And then, [501b] I take it, in the course of the work they would glance frequently in either direction, at justice, beauty, sobriety and the like as they are in the nature of things, and alternately at that which they were trying to reproduce in mankind, mingling and blending from various pursuits that hue of the flesh, so to speak, deriving their judgement from that likeness of humanity which Homer too called when it appeared in men the image and likeness of God.”}
  iv. Laws 710a. Κλεινίας: σωφροσύνην μοι δοκεῖ φράζειν, ὦ Μέγιλλε, δεῖν εἶναι τὴν συνεπομένην ὁ ξένος. ἦ γάρ;
—Ἀθηναῖος: τὴν δημώδη γε, ὦ Κλεινία, καὶ οὐχ ἥν τις σεμνύνων ἂν λέγοι, φρόνησιν προσαναγκάζων εἶναι τὸ σωφρονεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ εὐθὺς παισὶν καὶ θηρίοις, τοῖς μὲν ἀκρατῶς ἔχειν πρὸς τὰς ἡδονάς, σύμφυτον ἐπανθεῖ, τοῖς δὲ ἐγκρατῶς: ὃ [710b] καὶ μονούμενον ἔφαμεν τῶν πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν λεγομένων οὐκ ἄξιον εἶναι λόγου.
  {iv. Laws 710a. Clinias: Temperance, as I think, Megillus, is what the Stranger indicates as the necessary accompaniment. Is it not?
—Athenian: Yes, Clinias; temperance, that is, of the ordinary kind not the kind men mean when they use academic language and identify temperance with wisdom, but that kind which by natural instinct springs up at birth in children and animals, so that some are not incontinent, others continent, in respect of pleasures; and of this we said [710b] that, when isolated from the numerous so-called “goods,” it was of no account.}
  v. Meno 99e. εἰ δὲ νῦν ἡμεῖς ἐν παντὶ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ καλῶς ἐζητήσαμέν τε καὶ ἐλέγομεν, ἀρετὴ ἂν εἴη οὔτε φύσει οὔτε διδακτόν, ἀλλὰ θείᾳ μοίρᾳ παραγιγνομένη ἄνευ νοῦ οἷς ἂν [100a] παραγίγνηται, εἰ μή τις εἴη τοιοῦτος τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν οἷος καὶ ἄλλον ποιῆσαι πολιτικόν. εἰ δὲ εἴη, σχεδὸν ἄν τι οὗτος λέγοιτο τοιοῦτος ἐν τοῖς ζῶσιν οἷον ἔφη Ὅμηρος ἐν τοῖς τεθνεῶσιν τὸν Τειρεσίαν εἶναι, λέγων περὶ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι οἶος πέπνυται τῶν ἐν Ἅιδου, τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀίσσουσι. ταὐτὸν ἂν καὶ ἐνθάδε ὁ τοιοῦτος ὥσπερ παρὰ σκιὰς ἀληθὲς ἂν πρᾶγμα εἴη πρὸς ἀρετήν.
  v. Meno 99e. At the moment, if through all this discussion our queries and statements have been correct, virtue is found to be neither natural nor taught, but is imparted to us by a divine dispensation without understanding in those who receive it, [100a] unless there should be somebody among the statesmen capable of making a statesman of another. And if there should be any such, he might fairly be said to be among the living what Homer says Teiresias was among the dead—“He alone has comprehension; the rest are flitting shades.” In the same way he on earth, in respect of virtue, will be a real substance among shadows.
  vi. Laws 642c. μόνοι γὰρ ἄνευ ἀνάγκης αὐτοφυῶς, θείᾳ μοίρᾳ [642d] ἀληθῶς καὶ οὔτι πλαστῶς εἰσιν ἀγαθοί.
  vi. Laws 642c. “‘Good Athenians are always incomparably good,’ for they alone are good [642d] not by outward compulsion but by inner disposition.”
  vii. Republic 619c. εἶναι δὲ αὐτὸν [sc. τὸν τὴν μεγίστην τυραννίδα ἑλόμενον] τῶν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἡκόντων, ἐν τεταγμένῃ πολιτείᾳ ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ βίῳ βεβιωκότα, ἔθει [619d] ἄνευ φιλοσοφίας ἀρετῆς μετειληφότα. ὡς δὲ καὶ εἰπεῖν, οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἁλισκομένους τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἥκοντας, ἅτε πόνων ἀγυμνάστους.
  vii. Republic 619c. He was one of those who had come down from heaven, a man who had lived in a well-ordered polity in his former existence, [619d] participating in virtue by habit and not by philosophy; and one may perhaps say that a majority of those who were thus caught were of the company that had come from heaven, inasmuch as they were unexercised in suffering.
  viii. Republic 401e. τῶν παραλειπομένων καὶ μὴ καλῶς δημιουργηθέντων ἢ μὴ καλῶς φύντων ὀξύτατ’ ἂν αἰσθάνοιτο ὁ ἐκεῖ τραφεὶς ὡς ἔδει, καὶ ὀρθῶς δὴ δυσχεραίνων τὰ μὲν καλὰ ἐπαινοῖ καὶ χαίρων καὶ καταδεχόμενος εἰς τὴν ψυχὴν τρέφοιτ’ ἂν ἀπ’ αὐτῶν καὶ [402a] γίγνοιτο καλός τε κἀγαθός, τὰ δ’ αἰσχρὰ ψέγοι τ’ ἂν ὀρθῶς καὶ μισοῖ ἔτι νέος ὤν, πρὶν λόγον δυνατὸς εἶναι λαβεῖν, ἐλθόντος δὲ τοῦ λόγου ἀσπάζοιτ’ ἂν αὐτὸν γνωρίζων δι’ οἰκειότητα μάλιστα ὁ οὕτω τραφείς.
  viii. Republic 401e. “Because omissions and the failure of beauty in things badly made or grown would be most quickly perceived by one who was properly educated in music, and so, feeling distaste rightly, he would praise beautiful things and take delight in them and receive them into his soul to foster its growth and become himself beautiful and good. [402a] The ugly he would rightly disapprove of and hate while still young and yet unable to apprehend the reason, but when reason came the man thus nurtured would be the first to give her welcome, for by this affinity he would know her.”
  Other passages might be quoted more or less bearing on the subject, e.g. Republic 409a, 430b, Phaedrus 256e, Protagoras 355c following, but none, so far as I am aware, which throw any additional light upon it.
  In the extract first quoted we have, it is clear, precisely the same conception of the vulgar sort of virtue as in Phaedo 68d. Plato has been describing, in one of the most scathing passages he ever penned, the character of the ὀλιγαρχικὸς ἀνήρ. Such a man sets lucre above all things; he scrapes and hoards and denies himself, subduing all other appetites beneath the master-passion of amassing wealth. And since such habits tend in the main to outward orderliness of conduct, he acquires the reputation of being a worthy respectable man. Yet he is filled with a swarm of ‘drone lusts,’ which are commonly held down by the strong-hand of avarice, but are suffered to riot unchecked, if this may be done at another’s expense. And all this happens because he has paid no heed to his education. Here we have a perfect picture of a man δἰ ἀκολασίαν σεσωφρονισμένος: in that he controls his sensual appetites he is so far σώφρων, but he controls them only because he is ἀκόλαστος in the indulgence of unbounded avarice. In ii again Plato insists upon the point which is so strongly emphasised in the Phaedo; that no real knowledge of things just and beautiful can exist which is not based on knowledge of the good. We see then in these passages that the δημοτικὴ ἀρετή is a morality formed by the mass of mankind for themselves on strictly utilitarian principles, by balancing pains and pleasures, and without knowledge of the good. We observe also that for this Plato has nothing but scorn and sarcasm: he would not indeed deny that a temperance which is the effect of intemperance is better than no temperance at all; but it is at best a base and sordid counterfeit of true virtue.
  But in iii we have quite a different picture. Here we see the philosopher himself, as prophet and teacher, creating the δημοτικὴ ἀρετή in the souls of his fellow men, by moulding their characters after the image of that justice and beauty whereof he beholds the eternal ideas. As the painter’s glance passes to and fro between his model and his canvas, so is the gaze of the philosopher turned now to his ideal archetype, now to the human image of the divine that he is fashioning. Now it is evident that this virtue can no longer be a contemptible thing, since it is worth the philosopher’s while to pause in his study of the truth, that he may implant it in the hearts of men: it is indeed the highest that the great mass of mankind can hope to attain, who live and die in the darkness of the cave. Again this is no longer an ethical code which the multitude frame for themselves; it is one which the philosopher frames for them: nor does he construct it on any utilitarian basis, but out of his knowledge of ideal truth. Yet as held by them it is still utilitarian, for they accept it on utilitarian grounds: they receive it, not because they know why it is good, for they are without knowledge of the good, but because the philosopher convinces them that it is for their advantage to do so; that by submitting to its restrictions they avoid great evils. As they hold it, therefore, it is utilitarian; as he conceives it, not so: thus they are still, though in a far more refined sense, δἰ ἀκολασίαν σεσωφρονισμένος. Plato acknowledges that the morality of the multitude must be utilitarian, since none other is attainable save by the highly trained metaphysician. Therefore, however superior the morality of those who obey this code may be to that of the oligarchical man, it is sundered from that of the philosopher by a fathomless gulf—it is ἄνευ φρονήσεως.
  In the next three quotations Plato is speaking of an innate virtue, not springing from reason or any system, but from natural instinct. The most interesting and important of these passages is that from the Meno, which with its context gives a pretty full statement of Plato’s view. This instinctive virtue is due to no effort of its possessor but to the dispensation of heaven; θείᾳ μοίρᾳ 1 παραγιγνομένη—a phrase which is explained in vi by αὐτπφυῶς. 1 22222 2 Some men are so happily endowed by divine favour that without consciously striving after virtue they lead virtuous lives; they do right without knowing the difference between right and wrong. Now this natural virtue seems at first sight difficult to classify along with either form of δημοτικὴ ἀρετή before described. But a closer examination will show that, however much more attractive it may be, it does not in principle differ from the first. For we observe (1) that the virtue which these θεῖοι {offspring of God} follow by the impulse of their own hearts is the ordinary utilitarian virtue, (2) they are just, temperate, etc., simply because these virtues are more natural and therefore more easy and pleasant to them than the opposite vices, not because they choose them as being better: their virtue, when analysed, is an amiable form of selfishness. Therefore they must, harsh as it seems, be classed with of οἱ δἰ ἀκολασίαν σεσωφρονισμένοι, and with the first variety, since their virtue is of themselves, not from the philosopher.
  (1A careful investigation into the meaning of the phrase θείᾳ μοίρᾳ will be found in Zeller’s Philosophie der Griechen II i p. 497 note (3rd ed.) See also Dr. Thompson’s note on Gorgias 506e {The virtue of each thing is a matter of regular and orderly arrangement…Hence it is a certain order proper to each existent thing that by its advent in each makes it good…So then a soul which has its own proper order is better than one which is unordered…further, one that has order is orderly.} οὐχ οὕτως εἰκῆ κάλλιστα παραγίγνεται.)
  (1 22222 2 This seems at first sight to conflict with the opposition of θείᾳ μοίρᾳ {divine providence} with φύσει {nature} in the Meno. But I think that while in the Laws Plato is contrasting the αὐτοφυὴς ἀρετὴ {self-grown virtue} with that which is the result of ἐπιστήμη {principled knowledge}, in the Meno he merely notes that ἀρετὴ {virtue} is no inbred attribute of human nature, but where it occurs without ἐπιστήμη {knowledge}, it is bestowed by special favour of the gods. Cf. 89b.)
  The whole discussion in the Meno brings out two points very clearly: (1) the fundamental difference between popular and philosophic ἀρετή is the same as that between true opinion and knowledge; (2) true opinion, where it is present, leads in the same path as knowledge: the ἰδιώτης {idiot = unintelligent person} who has a true opinion about what is right will act in the same way as the φιλόσοφος who knows what is right. 1 Therefore the popular virtue in its highest conceivable form leads to the same conduct as the philosophic virtue. The difference is that we can trust the latter and not the former: we cannot ensure that a man will always have right opinions; they may at any moment slip away from him like the statues of Daidalos. But the knowledge of the philosopher can never fail him: thence it is that he must come forward as the instructor of mankind; they must not be left to their good instincts, which may betray them, or to their utilitarian codes, which must lower them: they must accept a morality founded on the philosopher’s sure and abiding knowledge of the good. 1 22222 2
  (1 The ἰδιώτης and the φιλόσοφος are aiming at precisely the same thing, viz. the good: only the φιλόσοφος seeks it as it really is, the ἰδιώτης as it is adumbrated in his own mind: the demotic good is, as Plato says, the shadow of the philosophic.)
  (2 Thus we see the Platonic origin of Aristotle’s conception of ἀρετή ὡρισμένη λόγῳ καὶ ὡς ἂν ὁ φρόνιμος ὁρίσειεν. Nicomachean Ethics II vi 15. Cf. Eudemian Ethics III v 1232a 36.)
  In vii we have a slight distinction. Here is one who is virtuous by habit and convention. There is, however, no specific difference between him and the θεῖοι {offspring of God} of the Meno: his conduct is equally influenced by unreflecting impulse, and we must conceive him as naturally well disposed. Plato notes, however, that this unthinking obedience to custom and tradition may lead to the most disastrous consequences, when a man is placed in a situation where custom and tradition are of no avail. How little value Plato set on this conventional virtue may be gathered from Phaedo 82b, where those who have lived virtuously ἐξ ἔθους τε καὶ μελέτης γεγονυῖαν ἄνευ φιλοσοφίας τε καὶ νοῦ {the social and civil virtues which are called moderation and justice} pass at death into the form of some social and peaceable animal, bee, wasp or ant, or at best live again as decent and orderly citizens.
  In viii we have the description of a child who is receiving a true education. He is to be surrounded from infancy with an atmosphere of the purest morality, ὥσπερ αὔρα φέρουσα ἀπὸ [401δ] χρηστῶν τόπων ὑγίειαν {whence the influence that emanates from works of beauty may waft itself to eye or ear like a breeze that brings from wholesome places health, [401d] and so from earliest childhood insensibly guide them to likeness, to friendship, to harmony with beautiful reason}, till he insensibly glides into harmony with fair reason; music is to sink into his soul, filling it with a love of concord and order: and thus being habituated to all that is noble and beautiful, while still too young to understand the reason why it is so, when in maturer years he at last attains knowledge of the reason, he welcomes it with joy, because all his previous training has fitted him to receive it. Thus we see that the δημοτικὴ ἀρετή in its highest form serves as a propaedeutic for ἀρετή μετὰ φρονήσεως {virtue beyond understanding}. That is to the philosophic child but an early stage which to the unphilosophic many is their journey’s end; the highest level their maturity attains is for his youth a starting-point to the knowledge of the good.
  The result then of our investigation is this. While all δημοτικὴ ἀρετή is radically distinguished from philosophical morality by the fact that it is ἄνευ φρονήσεως {without understanding}, we may I think discern two well-marked varieties of it, represented by extracts i and iii; regarding that of v, vi and vii as not specifically distinct from i. The first is an ethical code formed (1) by the multitude for themselves, (2) on utilitarian principles, (3) without knowledge of the good; the second is (1) formed by the philosopher for the multitude, (2) not on utilitarian principles, (3) with knowledge of the good, but (4) accepted by the multitude on utilitarian principles and without knowledge of the good. The first Plato regards with unmixed contempt; the second he recognises as the best which the great majority of mankind can attain, and by it he hopes to supersede the other: nay, so much importance does he attach to this, that his philosophers must take it in turns to desist from their own meditations and give their minds to instructing their fellow citizens. We must beware of regarding these two varieties as two successive conceptions by Plato of the δημοτικὴ ἀρετή: they are two distinct kinds, of which one is utterly condemned, the other positively enforced upon the masses.
  Finally it may be noted that the perfection of philosophic virtue is only to be found in the perfect philosopher in whom all knowledge and wisdom are consummated, ὃς φιλοσοφίας ἐπ’ ἄκρον ἁπάσης ἐλήλυθε. Plato did not pretend that he or any one else had reached such knowledge; therefore he would admit that his moral code was necessarily incomplete and tentative. But this is only to say that no ethical system based on metaphysical research can be perfect until the object of that research has been fully attained; until, that is, absolute knowledge has been won. And though such knowledge may be unattainable, Plato has still consolation: if philosophy’s advance in cognition of the truth be endless, endless also must be her progress in virtue.

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Appendix II.

  The ordinary interpretation of chapter xlviii represents Sokrates, after failing to unravel the secrets of nature by the methods of the physicists, as betaking himself to the contemplation of nature through the medium of λόγοι. This view has been set forth with such clearness and precision by Principal Geddes that I cannot do better than give it in his words.
  ‘Having failed in his first voyage, under the guidance of the physicists, Sokrates says that he set out by himself on a second voyage of discovery in search of a solid basis of Being, not by gazing on the outward world of matter, but by meditating on the inner world of thought…Sokrates had stated that the study of the external world by the senses simply would not conduct to knowledge of causation, and that the effect of such study would be like looking at an eclipse of the sun with the naked eye; viz. dizziness under the dazzling maze of phenomena (cf. ἰλιγγιᾷ in 79c, ταράττομαι in 100d). Therefore, he goes on to say, as one uses a medium in looking at an eclipse, such as the reflection in water, or the like, so we must proceed regarding the external world, by studying phenomena through media or images, which images can be nothing else than of οἱ λόγοι, i.e. principles or reasons intellectually apprehended. This simile, however, has the disadvantage of representing the intellectual world as the shadow and not the reality; and therefore Sokrates at once anticipates and corrects a misimpression that might arise from the use of such a simile. Perhaps, however, the process I refer to (viz. to τὸ ἐν λόγοις σκοπεῖν) is in a certain respect not parallel with that to which I compare it For I do not at all admit that the man who looks at things in their principles sees things a whit more by images than one who looks at them in their external effects.1 “Although it is true,” says Sokrates, “that those who look at the sun’s reflection in water see a reflection and nothing more, I do not admit that those who study to obtain a knowledge of Being through the medium of the principles in the intellect (οἱ λόγοι) perceive mere reflections of things, and not realities. Therefore the simile I have used is simply an illustration indicating that transition in which I turned from the blinding spectacle of τὰ ἔργα, as studied by the physicists, to the less remote, but not less real, world of οἱ λόγοι, or the intellectual principles of things.” ’
  (1The italics are Principal Geddes’s own.)
  Now the first remark I have to offer upon the above exposition is that the representation of δεύτερος πλοῦς as a ’second voyage of discovery’ is not consistent with the perfectly correct explanation of that proverb given by Principal Geddes himself a little earlier; ‘it signifies a “second resource in default of a better,” and is applied, not to what is absolutely, but to what is relatively, best.’ Ast indeed denies this: but that such is the meaning is conclusively determined, not only by the origin of the proverb, but by its use in every one of the passages where it occurs. Sokrates means that having failed in the highest object of his endeavour he betakes himself to this method of λόγοι as the closest feasible approximation to it.
  But what is this highest object, the πρῶτος πλοῦς? Certainly not the investigation of phenomena by means of physical science. On the study of phenomena Plato is perpetually heaping the most contumelious epithets, especially in the period to which the Phaedo belongs: even in the Timaeus, great part of which is occupied with physical speculations, the most Plato will say for such pursuits is that they are a sober and harmless recreation in the intervals of more serious studies (59c). Neither in matter nor in our opinions about it is there any certainty, stability, or truth: matter therefore cannot be meant when Sokrates says ἀπείρηκα τὰ ὄντα σκοπῶν. It is true that he guards himself by the provision οὐ γὰρ πάνυ ξυγχρῶ κ.τ.λ., but this very fact is inconsistent with the theory that phenomena are the ὄντα {ideas} which Sokrates failed to reach: the λόγοι must in some sense be εἰκόνες {icons} of something, else what is the point of the comparison? Apart from this, Sokrates has in the previous chapter given us two perfectly precise statements: (1) that he had actually tested and discredited the methods of the physicists, (2) that his hope was to discover τἀγαθὸν καὶ δέον {the good and necessary} as the ultimate αἰτία {cause}; in other words, to construct a teleological theory of the universe. This then is the ‘great and wondrous hope’ which the physicists could not gratify, and which he himself failed to fulfill; and this it is for which the method of λόγοι offers a substitute.
  I conceive then that Principal Geddes has fallen into error as to the nature of the πρῶτος πλοῦς by failing to keep a firm hold upon the meaning of δεύτερος πλοῦς: for I cannot imagine he would maintain that Plato even for a moment could speak of the study of λόγοι as inferior to the study of phenomena. But I have another very grave objection to his interpretation. He speaks of the ‘dazzling maze of phenomena,’ ‘the blinding spectacle of τὰ ἔργα, as studied by the physicists‘; and in his exposition the sun symbolises material particulars. But where shall we find such language in Plato? If we turn to a part of the Republic with which our present passage is intimately connected, we shall see something very different. In 508c we read
  ὀφθαλμοί, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι, ὅταν μηκέτι ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνά τις αὐτοὺς τρέπῃ ὧν ἂν τὰς χρόας τὸ ἡμερινὸν φῶς ἐπέχῃ, ἀλλὰ ὧν νυκτερινὰ φέγγη, ἀμβλυώττουσί τε καὶ ἐγγὺς φαίνονται τυφλῶν, ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐνούσης καθαρᾶς ὄψεως;
—καὶ μάλα, ἔφη.
—[508δ] ὅταν δέ γ᾽ οἶμαι ὧν ὁ ἥλιος καταλάμπει, σαφῶς ὁρῶσι, καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς τούτοις ὄμμασιν ἐνοῦσα φαίνεται.
—τί μήν;
—οὕτω τοίνυν καὶ τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ὧδε νόει: ὅταν μὲν οὗ καταλάμπει ἀλήθειά τε καὶ τὸ ὄν, εἰς τοῦτο ἀπερείσηται, ἐνόησέν τε καὶ ἔγνω αὐτὸ καὶ νοῦν ἔχειν φαίνεται: ὅταν δὲ εἰς τὸ τῷ σκότῳ κεκραμένον, τὸ γιγνόμενόν τε καὶ ἀπολλύμενον, δοξάζει τε καὶ ἀμβλυώττει ἄνω καὶ κάτω τὰς δόξας μεταβάλλον, καὶ ἔοικεν αὖ νοῦν οὐκ ἔχοντι.
  “You are aware,” I said, “that when the eyes are no longer turned upon objects upon whose colors the light of day falls but that of the dim luminaries of night, their edge is blunted and they appear almost blind, as if pure vision did not dwell in them.”
—“Yes, indeed,” he said.
—“But when, I take it, [508d] they are directed upon objects illumined by the sun, they see clearly, and vision appears to reside in these same eyes.”
—“Certainly.”
—“Apply this comparison to the soul also in this way. When it is firmly fixed on the domain where truth and reality shine resplendent it apprehends and knows them and appears to possess reason; but when it inclines to that region which is mingled with darkness, the world of becoming and passing away, it opines only and its edge is blunted, and it shifts its opinions hither and thither, and again seems as if it lacked reason.”
  Again if we turn to 516a we find the very same metaphor: the sun moon and stars represent the ideas, and their reflections in water represent these very λόγοι with which we are dealing in the present passage. It is to me absolutely incredible that Plato should have inverted his metaphor, should have reversed the relation of thought and matter. Thought is always to him the region of truth and light, matter of dimness and uncertainty: and that he should even for a moment represent thought as a medium to temper the blinding glare of material existence is in my judgment unnatural and inconsistent with the whole tenor of his language on this subject. Prof. Geddes appeals to the use of ἰλιγγιᾷ and ταράττομαι, but Plato tells us (Republic 518a) ὅτι διτταὶ καὶ ἀπὸ διττῶν γίγνονται ἐπιταράξεις ὄμμασιν, ἔκ τε φωτὸς εἰς σκότος μεθισταμένων καὶ ἐκ σκότους εἰς φῶς {there are two distinct disturbances of the eyes arising from two causes, according as the shift is from light to darkness or from darkness to light}. Moreover in the interpretation I am criticising λόγοι are used as helps to the contemplation of phenomena, whereas Plato always treats them as helps to the contemplation of the ideas.1
  (1 Principal Geddes in his second edition says nothing in reply to my criticism, except that it ‘assumes that the mental history described belongs to Plato also.’ I am unable to see that I have anywhere assumed this; and although personally I believe that it does belong to Plato, I have carefully refrained from asserting this or basing any argument thereupon. All that I have ‘assumed’ is that the Platonic Sokrates, in describing his own method (as in this chapter he is doing), is as usual Plato’s mouthpiece. Principal Geddes gives no explanation of the inconsistency I have pointed out in his conception of the δεύτερος πλοῦς.)
  In a former edition I interpreted the passage as follows. I attempted, says Sokrates, to discover τὸ ἀγαθὸν {the good} as the ultimate cause working in nature. But when, after long endeavour, I failed in the struggle, I began to fear that by fixing my gaze too intently on realities I might be blinded in soul, as men are bereft of their bodily vision by gazing on the sun. So I bethought me of framing in my own mind images or concepts of those realities which I desired to study, and in them safely to examine the nature of their types. But though I admit these concepts are but images of the realities, mind I don‘t allow that they are so in any greater degree than material phenomena: both in fact are images; but whereas phenomena are the images presented to us by our senses, concepts are the images deliberately formed by our understanding; concepts therefore are more real than phenomena in proportion as understanding is more sure than sense. Be that as it may, I did form these concepts and used them as a standard to estimate the truth or falsehood of particulars.
  Sokrates in fact, since he despairs of actually grasping the eternal ideas, of which all natural phenomena are symbols, endeavours to form from those symbols mental concepts or universals, which shall represent the ideas to him: they are the ideas as reflected in his intelligence. The verity of these concepts cannot be thoroughly ascertained, as the Republic tells us, until the ideas have been actually apprehended and compared with them: meanwhile they afford the best working hypothesis that can be obtained. No prospect of this verification is held out in the Phaedo; in the Republic, however, Plato speaks more hopefully.
  This interpretation, as it appeared to me, established the right relation between the δεύτερος πλοῦς and the πρῶτος πλοῦς, gave to Plato’s illustration its natural and customary significance, and brought the passage into complete harmony with the Republic. At the same time I could not but feel the difficulties which beset this explanation, owing to the sentence βλέπων πρὸς τὰ πράγματα κ.τ.λ. I was obliged to understand τὰ πράγματα as signifying the ideas, and all the terms denoting sensuous perceptions as metaphorically applying to the apprehension of the ideas by pure thought. This interpretation of πράγματα is to some extent countenanced by the use of αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα in 66e; and despite the refractoriness of the phrase ἑκάστῃ τῶν αἰσήων ἐπιχειρῶν ἅπτεσοαι αὐτῶν, I am still convinced that this view of the passage was far preferable to the chaotic confusion of thought and language which is involved by the generally received interpretation. None the less it would clearly be no small gain if we could find an explanation which, while avoiding this Charybdis, would enable us to understand these words in their natural sense.
  An interpretation has recently been brought to my notice by Mr. C. E. Campbell of Trinity Hall, which I believe is successful in attaining this end. Mr. Campbell justly observes that the initial sentence μετὰ ταῦτα, ἐπειδὴ ἀπειρήκη τὰ ὄντα σκοπῶν indicates that Sokrates is no longer describing the result he apprehends from seeking immediate intuition of the good, which he had already abandoned. He must refer to some mode of conducting the δεύτερος πλοῦς, and he is explaining why he deserted πράγματα for their (apparent) εἰκόνες in λόγοι. Again the words ἴσως μὲν οὖν ᾧ εἰκάζω τρόπον [100α] τινὰ οὐκ ἔοικεν: οὐ γὰρ πάνυ συγχωρῶ τὸν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις σκοπούμενον τὰ ὄντα ἐν εἰκόσι μᾶλλον σκοπεῖν ἢ τὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις imply a previous antithesis between λόγοι and πράγματα. For if he were merely pointing out that while ἔργα and λόγοι are both εἰκόνες of ὄντα, ἔργα are the more remote, he had no occasion to apologise for incorrectness in the simile. What then is this antithesis? Mr. Campbell obtains the answer by making the eclipse a material part of the similitude. Thus we get the following parallel:—
  (1) ἥλιος = τὰ ὄντα, i.e. ideas.
  (2) ἥλιος ἐκλείπων = τὰ ὄντα eclipsed in the form of γιγνόμενα, or material nature.
  (3) Image of ἥλιος ἐκλείπων in water = image of γιγνόμενα in λόγοι, i.e. Sokratic universals.
  Thus γιγνόμενα are regarded as eclipsed ὄντα, the light of the latter everywhere struggling through the darkness of the former. The problem is to arrive at the one primal light by a study of its partial manifestations, which are best investigated by their reflection in λόγοι.
  The statement of Sokrates then comes to this. “When I recognised that the αὐτὸ ἀγαθὸν was not directly cognisable, that like the sun in eclipse it was obscured by the darkness of γιγνόμενα, through which it nevertheless is flashing all the time, I perceived that complete knowledge of the ἀγαθὸν must be approached by a study of this broken radiance, and that soul-blindness would be most surely avoided by examining its gleams clearly reflected in mental concepts.”
  The simile indeed, says Sokrates parenthetically, is not perfect: for since λόγοι have more immediate truth than ἔργα, the latter are more justly to be termed εἰκόνες, or images in contradistinction to realities.
  This then was my δεύτερος πλοῦς. I could not see my way to a complete cognition of Being, so I betook myself to studying the reflections of Being as it flashes through Becoming.
  By this ingenious explanation Mr. Campbell, as it seems to me, has avoided the difficulties incidental to my former interpretation, while preserving the object for which I was mainly contending. We have certainly to thank him for a valuable contribution towards elucidating this very difficult passage.
  The views of other editors agree in the main with that of Principal Geddes, but show some minor points of difference. Fischer, followed by Stallbaum, regards both λόγοι and ἔργα as εἰκόνες, and translates δεύτερος πλοῦς ‘ex effectis alicuius rei.’ Ast and H. Schmidt understanding ἔργοις of material objects, deny that λόγοι are εἰκόνες: and the former expressly, the latter by implication, denies that δεύτερος πλοῦς signifies an inferior method. I think the two latter are right about ἔργοις, but in respect of the λόγοι and the δεύτερος πλοῦς Fischer and Stallbaum are unquestionably nearer the truth. But all these views are in my judgment radically vitiated by failure to recognise that a theory of final causes is that which Sokrates had hitherto vainly attempted to reach by apprehension of the ultimate αἰτία {cause} itself, and to which he now hoped to make an approximation by the aid of his logical method.
  The interpretation set forth above obviates the objections which I formerly felt to the sentence βλέπων πρὸς τὰ πράγματα τοῖς ὄμμασι καὶ ἑκάστῃ τῶν αἰσθήσεων ἐπιχειρῶν ἅπτεσθαι αὐτῶν. {I was afraid my soul would be blinded if I looked at things with my eyes and tried to grasp them with any of my senses. So I thought I must have recourse to conceptions and examine in them the truth of realities.} Although these words were by a certain amount of strain capable, as I thought, of reasonable explanation, yet for sundry reasons it seemed to me, as it had to Dr. Jackson, that they were probably due to an interpolator. But now there no longer seems any reason for rejecting them, nor for suspecting any part of the text throughout the chapter.

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Plato of Athens
428 BC—348 BC
Premier Greek philosopher, the Father of Idealism in its many facets: philosophy, metaphysics, ontology, theology, psychology, mysticism, aesthetics, ethics, education, literature, and politics


Plato


Plato’s Phaedo was titled On the Soul, Character in antiquity.


Works Cited

Plato. Phaedo, Platonis Opera, ed. John Burnet. Oxford University Press. 1903.

Plato. The Phaedo of Plato, R. D. Archer-Hind, ed. London and New York: Macmillan and Co., 2nd edition, 1894.

Plato. Phaedo, Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vol. 1, translated by Harold North Fowler; Introduction by W.R.M. Lamb. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, 1966.